Saturday, February 25, 2012

Accounts of grief

Shorn of the rituals of old, death maroons us in grief

The pain of bereavement is worsened by isolation, but few of us now know how to speak about their own - or others' - loss

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jan/02/death-grief-bereavement?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487


My father died just before Christmas. He was nearly 80; he had been ill. Intellectually and rationally there should have been nothing startling about his death. It is part of the pattern of things. Yet I have been as stunned by his death, and the utter absence of him, as if I never knew that human beings had a lifespan.

I did understand that people die. I didn't understand how the loss would feel. Perhaps it's something one can never grasp until it has happened, because the imagination refuses to go there. But it's also that death has been so removed from our daily experience that it has become almost embarrassingly private. We have gone from the strict and public mourning rituals of the Victorian era, with widows in heavy black clothes for a year and a day, and men wearing black armbands to signify loss, to having no mechanisms to signal our sadness at all.

When it happened I realised that I, like many of us, had neither the public ritual nor the private knowledge to tell me how to get through this. I needed to talk to those who had already lived through it, and who could tell me what had helped them. I wanted to talk about my father with those who had cared about him. Lastly, and almost most importantly, I wanted the close friends of mine who had never met my parents to know what had happened. And I wasn't sure how far it was reasonable to ask for any of this from anyone.

I couldn't think of anyone ever having messaged me to tell me that one of their parents had died. It's the kind of thing that comes up in conversation when you see someone, not something that you are notified of. So who was I to impose this news on others, especially at Christmas time. I didn't want to be the spectre at the feast.

I couldn't hope that many people would hear the news themselves. I don't belong to a church or a community that would provide such a structure. Much of the time we welcome the freedom of action that that implies. At times like this, though, it can be a loss. Mourners want to feel supported, but don't know what they can expect from others. Friends and acquaintances can be quite oblivious to those needs. In that gap there is room for much uncertainty and disappointment to grow.

One friend of mine was bereft when her stepfather, the only constant parent in her life, died young. She arranged the funeral, then felt abandoned. She found herself longing for the Jewish rituals others observed. "What I really wanted was for people to sit shiva with me - where friends and neighbours mourn with you, and bring food, for seven days. I didn't want to feel so alone." I didn't know this at the time. She, embarrassed by her need, kept it to herself. But it still hurts.

Over and over again people I talked to about this admit to having expected more from others than they received. Most just wanted more acknowledgment. They wanted acquaintances at the office or the school gate to express sympathy rather than pretending nothing had happened; they wanted cards to be sent, they wanted phone calls asking how they were, they wanted to talk about the person they had lost.

But I have also been struck by the way in which some people, while proudly rejecting formal rituals, expect everyone they know to have understood, by osmosis, that they should be following a very specific unwritten script. There can be a lot of resentment boiling away. Some are furious their friends didn't ask them out to social events shortly afterwards - "as if I was a leper!" - while others are furious that they did - "I don't know how they could be so insensitive!". Some are grateful for any expressions of sympathy; others are scathing about a remark they found clumsy, a letter that didn't sum up the dead person accurately, a card they thought was trite.

New technology has added to the minefield. An older generation expected, and received, handwritten letters upon a death. One man says that the many two-page, carefully composed letters that his mother was sent when his father died a few years ago were a real solace to her, and all have been preserved to be reread. In contrast, when his wife's father died, all she had were strings of text messages; nothing that she could keep. At first she was shocked. "All this death on my phone!" Then she decided it was the way things happen now. The next generation, after all, may do much of its mourning publicly, on Facebook.

But some feel miserably trapped between old traditions and new assumptions. One woman has never forgiven the friends who texted her after her boyfriend's accidental death. A recent widower doesn't like emails, for their lack of formality, but is grudgingly accepting of them if they are well thought out. He was livid, however, to receive one from an old friend which simply said, "Dear X, Words cannot express ..." No one would have sent such a letter. Technology had become an excuse for making no effort.

There are deep confusions here. Increasing numbers of us have rejected the old, codified forms of dealing with death in favour of something more personal, that we feel expresses both our grief and the character of the person who has died. Many funerals, like my father's, dispense altogether with priests or prayer, looking to literature, poetry and the story of a life to give meaning to death instead. Without the forms that tell people how to offer help, though, both the grieving and their friends can feel adrift and misunderstood.

Since we all insist on being such individuals, the only way through this is to be more honest and more generous with one another about what we would like, and the spirit in which it is accepted. The bereft can't expect their friends to be mind-readers, or express themselves with perfect empathy. I have been grateful for any and every message I have had, and am deeply sorry for the letters I didn't think to write in the past. The terrible fact of death is the loss of history, love, connection and meaning. The only consolation it offers is that the sympathy we are given and the sorrow we share can bring us closer to the living.

Sudden Arrhythmic Death Syndrome: a stealthy killer

Suzanne Lowry's son, Max, died suddenly on the eve of his wedding. A year on, his mother shares her sense of loss – and her hope that others may be spared the same fate

  • guardian.co.uk,
  • http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2011/sep/05/sudden-arrhythmic-death-syndrome?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487

By eight o'clock on the evening before the wedding, the last jostlings in the table plan had ended and the numbers joining to dance after dinner had somehow been held to the level permitted.

I had seen the dress, hanging in its exquisite folds like a beautiful ghost, safely arrived from designer Georgina Chapman in New York (an old friend and schoolmate of the couple). Guests had gathered from far and near.

The bride, Jane, staying with her parents until the ceremony, made a goodnight call to her future husband (and my son), Max. He had just got back to their flat after a hard day's work at his studio, when he picked up the phone. They chatted briefly. "I love you," he said. And then, nothing, apart from a faint choking sound.

Across town, I was in my room, sending a few emails and looking forward to the next day. As the mother of the bridegroom, I reckoned, my role would be mainly to enjoy myself. That illusion faded when my hostess, Polly, burst in and thrust a phone into my hands. "It's Jane," she said. "Max is in an ambulance ..." I grabbed the phone and heard Jane say that he was on his way to Hammersmith Hospital and could I get there?

I don't remember leaving the house, only somehow being in a taxi. It dawned that I had no cash on me so we stopped at an ATM. As I waited for the notes to clunk out of the machine, I was thinking that perhaps we would have to postpone the wedding. A flickering hope.

At A&E I was shown to a room where I expected to see Max lying on a bed, but found only an anguished Jane holding her father's hand, tears streaming down her face. No one spoke. "Where is he?", I asked in panic. "Is he alive?" I spun around to find a doctor standing quietly by the door. "His heart stopped beating," he said gently. "We could not revive him."

Later during that long night Jane and I sat up with Polly, talking and weeping by turns, groping for comprehension. At dawn I went to bed, but my eyes seemed to be jammed open, "on stalks", like a cartoon character.

"You couldn't write this," Jane said. And after almost a year, this the first time I have tried. The aftermath of Max's death was so confused, and the fact of it so incredible, that even when - on what should have been his wedding day - I stood in the bleak little viewing room at the mortuary looking at him stretched out with something that looked like Grandma's velvet curtains draped over him, I could not believe it.

On the edge of his generous hand lying outside the cover I noticed a streak of green paint: a last reminder that Max was an artist. It was him and not him; here he was and yet here he was utterly absent. His hair was thrown back from his face; a small plastic tube was clenched in his mouth. I did not stay long, but left Jane talking and talking to him in a loving stream of consciousness, that she would never forget him, that he had shown her how to live.

That afternoon, most of the wedding guests, summoned by email and texts, walked en masse up Primrose Hill. At the top, Sam, the best man, addressed us and I began to understand just how much Max had meant to his legion of friends. "He was the cement in all our lives," Sam said, and at the end of his oration we all shouted "Max!" at the sky.

That was the first time that I felt suffused by a strange backwash of warmth, seeing off - briefly - the chill that was settling in me. The rush came again at the funeral, when even more - hundreds more - of his friends came to say goodbye. I have felt it many times since: early in the morning in my garden, or when I am with friends he loved, and sometimes when I am feeling low. Max specialised in the bear-hug, and I guess this is the best he can do from Over There.

So much has been written about death that I hesitate to add my spoonful of experience. It is a leveller, a common denominator, we are automatically signed up for it at birth. And yet its capacity to shock, and hurt, and bereave never diminishes - especially when, according to our hubristic programme, it comes too soon. As deaths go, Max had a good one: he had not suffered, he wasn't tortured or murdered, not wiped out in an accident, nor by a roadside bomb. He was at the peak of happiness and hitting his stride as an artist.

But the "good" aspects made his loss harder to take for those left behind, simply because he was young and seemed so fit and well. We were repeatedly told - by the coroner, the heart specialist's autopsy - that there had been nothing wrong with him. His heart was healthy, nothing toxic in his system, he was in good shape. At the inquest, the verdict recorded was simply "natural causes."

But there was a specific cause, and a stealthy one. He died of Sads - Sudden Arrhythmic Death Syndrome (sometimes called Sudden Adult Death Syndrome), an umbrella term for around a dozen conditions that kill at least 600 people under 35 a year in the UK. These deaths, linked to anomalies in electrical workings of the heart, have been compared to cot deaths in infancy. They have a special poignancy because there are few prior symptoms and the victims appear, like Max, to be in prime health.

Athletes on the sports field, a young girl thrilled by her first kiss, a teenager collapsing on to his birthday cake, a girl on her morning jog, somebody's son at the wheel, waiting for the lights to change - these are among the long roll of stories in the archives of Cry (Cardiac Risk in the Young). This charity works to raise awareness of Sads and helps to fund important research and a screening programme for under-35s.

Max's family and friends miss his presence every day - his smile, his warmth and humour. However, as an artist, he left his work behind. Next week, just ahead of the first anniversary of his death, some of his pictures and prints will be exhibited in London. It will be a celebration of his life and work, but also, it is hoped, will raise money for Cry, and their campaign to save others from his fate.


I'm a replacement child

When Maria Lawson's older sister burned to death aged four, her mother was told by the family doctor to have another child. Which is how Maria came to be born, and – unbelievably – christened with the same name as her dead sibling


http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2012/feb/18/replacement-child-sister-accident?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487


During a game of hide-and-seek when she was five, Maria Lawson came across a box of brand new toys in the back of her mother's wardrobe. Inside was a wooden train painted bright red and yellow, and a striped spinning top, as pristine as the day they were bought.

As much as she would have loved to play with them, the little girl knew to put them back in the box, and never said a word to anyone.

Maria says: "I already knew who the toys belonged to: the 'other' Maria. My big sister with the same name who burned to death before I was born. She'd been given them at Christmas, a few days before she died at the age of four. A spark from the fire in our front room set fire to her nightdress as she played with the new toys and she was burned alive. I was born to be her substitute."

Today, Maria is a stylish, gregarious woman of 56, who runs her own interior design company in Halifax, West Yorkshire.

But her life has been defined – and overshadowed – by that single spark that flew out of the flames two years before she was born in 1955.

Maria was born as a "replacement child" – the term used for those conceived by parents to fill the void left by an elder child who dies. As if she could seamlessly slip into the shoes of her dead sister, Maria was even given the same name as the sibling who was lost. But instead of being a salve for her mother Nina's suffering, her existence instead seemed to be a daily torment.

In turn, it has left Maria with profound feelings of worthlessness, which have blighted her life ever since and resulted in three shattered marriages, and difficult relationships with her own children.

"I was called Maria – but it was made clear to me very early on that I could not live up to the first Maria, who was an angel in every way. I was told she was the perfect child with blond curls, who was brave and fearless and always did exactly what she was told.

"I was the dark one – with brown eyes and dark hair. I was a quiet, shy, reclusive child. Yet still my mother told me: 'God has taken away my angel and given me a devil in her place.'"

Looking back now, such cruelty seems almost incomprehensible. But as Maria now acknowledges, the tragedy happened in a very different era. Postwar Britain was a country where many had suffered personal losses, and the expectation was that everyone just got on with it.

There were other reasons that her mother Nina never recovered from her daughter's death. The stylish daughter of a wealthy Catholic family, she met her husband, Cyril, a sailor with the British navy, when he had pulled into port near her home in southern Italy at the end of the war.

Although they fell in love, she later claimed she had been lured to Britain by promises of a grand mansion with "swans swimming on the lake". Instead, she arrived to find her new home was a council terrace in Manchester.

Trapped in the marriage by her strict Catholic faith and unable to bear the shame of returning to her family, she stayed – but she made no secret of her resentment of her situation.

Introspective and intense, she was also a woman who made few friends. She never really mastered English, always speaking in heavily accented Italian, which made her hard to understand.

When the first Maria died, aged four, Nina had just given birth to her fourth child, John. She also already had two twin girls, Elsa and Margaret, six.

Much of what the surviving Maria knows about that cold January morning is what she learned through fragmented conversations over the years. It was rarely discussed in the family. Even now she says her twin sisters, aged 65, still cry when they talk about it.

"From what I know, my father had just lit the fire in the front room before he went to work," she says.

"My mother was upstairs feeding the newborn baby while the girls played with their Christmas toys. Maria was playing in the middle of Elsa and Margaret and there was no fire guard. A spark landed on Maria's nightdress.

"In those days, nighties weren't fire-retardant and hers went up in flames. My sisters were in mute shock and just didn't know what to do. When they started screaming for my mother to come downstairs, she didn't believe them.

"Maria managed to crawl in flames to the bottom of the stairs. When my mother did come down, she found Maria's charred body, on the bottom step."

Nina tried to put out the rest of the flames with her bare hands before running out on to the street. "But in those days people didn't have phones so it took about half an hour for the ambulance to come. By the time the crew arrived, she was repeatedly beating her head against the wall."

Covered with 95% burns, Maria later died in hospital, and so began a lifetime of blame and recrimination.

The twins were sent away. Every day for the first few months after the funeral, Nina would go to the Southern Cemetery in Manchester and sit by the grave as she rocked her son's pram. Often she would stay until the cemetery keeper told her he was closing up.

But her grief never lifted. Maria says: "My mother blamed everyone: My father for not putting the fire guard up and my sisters for not doing enough to save her, even though they were only six."

In those days, it was common practice for doctors to tell families who had lost children to have another baby as quickly as possible. When Nina went to her GP and was told having another child was the best way she could recover, she took his advice and got pregnant.

But it meant that even before her birth, Maria was required to step into a role that no one should ever be asked to fill. As a child, her earliest memories were that she was not good enough.

Looking back, Maria now believes that her mother's guilt that she could not save her little girl tortured her so much that "attack was her only form of defence".

"I was no consolation to her. She even claimed my father had raped her to conceive me. We never knew why she called me the same name. You'd never dare ask. That was just the way it was and I accepted it.

"Rather than being cherished, my mother would ignore me. I can remember getting a cake for my birthday at the age of six, but other than that I can only remember one or two hugs through my childhood. I just had to accept what I was given.

"I seemed to bear the brunt of it. My sisters quickly left home and married. My brother John was put on a pedestal because he was the son of the family.

"Dad was pretty henpecked and never spoke about the other Maria. My mother was a superb dressmaker and as the years went on opened up a shop. So Dad, who was a gardener, was the one who looked after me. He woke me up in the mornings, made me toast, washed my shirts and socks."

Maria's older sister Margaret Bryant agrees that Maria bore the brunt of her mother's deep depression. "It was a very sad household. There was no music, no laughter. If you don't have a happy mother, you can't have a happy child, and Maria got the worst of it."

Every Sunday, Maria would be taken on the bus by her mother to the place where her namesake was buried to put fresh flowers there. Bewildered, she would stand back and watch as her usually emotionless mother would kneel down and sob on the grave, marked with her own name.

There Maria would gaze upon the "face of an angel": the smiling image of a four-year-old girl with golden curls, which Nina had insisted on using to embellish the tombstone.

Maria says: "Often I would hear what a wonderful little girl my dead sister was, how she never answered back, how if you told her to stay somewhere, she wouldn't move an inch. Because she was four when she died, the first Maria never had the chance to become a fully formed person who made mistakes. But of course, I had plenty of opportunity to do that."

Feeling neglected and unloved, by 15 Maria had been caught shoplifting – she says her mother told the police she did not want her back – and as soon as she could, she left home.

By 19, she had fled her unhappy home to get married and soon had twin boys – but just as her mother had, she had difficulties bonding with them. With no model of a good mother to follow, she found it hard to express love. She went on to have three failed marriages.

"Maybe it would have been better if I had been born a boy. Probably if the accident hadn't happened, I wouldn't have got married so young. I was shy and insecure and had no sense of self-worth. But then maybe if my sister hadn't died, I wouldn't have been born.

"Because I felt so unloved, I couldn't believe in love. I had no confidence with men. It's taken me all my life to get over the fact my mother did not love me for who I was but that I was born to order because someone else died."

Consultant psychologist Dr Pat Frankish has a special interest in parents' reactions to the loss of a child and says difficulties forming relationships are very common in replacement children.

She says: "There can be serious interference in the development of their identity. If replacement children are brought up as substitutes, that stops them establishing a sense of themselves as a valued person, which makes it very hard to enter into relationships where they are equally matched."

This situation is made harder by the fact that the child who dies is elevated to the status of unattainable perfection, says Frankish, which the subsequent child can never live up to. "For parents, imagining their children as an angel in heaven is a way of defending themselves against the reality of a body in a coffin."

While in the 1950s, parents were expected to get over the loss of a child, she says that it is now accepted that parents never fully recover.

It is likely that Maria's mother suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder, made worse by the fact she had to wait for half an hour for an ambulance to come to her daughter's aid. Because it was not addressed, this experience then got deeply buried.

Indeed, even at 93, unable to hear and with Alzheimer's, Nina, say both daughters, still weeps over the first Maria, but remembers little else.

Margaret says: "Our mother still has her picture with a little candle next to it, like a shrine. There is room for four bodies in Maria's burial plot. To the end, our mother refused to let my father, who died from cancer, be buried there. Now she says she is looking forward to joining Maria there and seeing her in heaven."

As her mother nears the end of her life, Maria says that while she finds it hard to love her, she is closer to finding forgiveness.

"I think if she'd had counselling, we all would have stood a better chance. By giving me Maria's name, she was denying it had ever happened. But back then, you were just expected to carry on.

"It's taken me a long time to understand why she was the way she was to me. But now I understand she had just had a baby a few days before, her hormones were raging, she had no family support, or anyone she could talk to in her own language.

"I would have loved to have known Maria and had a sister nearer to my age, although who knows if I would have been born if she had lived.

"As a child, I imagined what she was like all the time. I was proud to be named after her. It made me feel closer to her. But the tragedy is that by losing a sister, I lost my mother as well."


Death of a daughter

Wendy Perriam has faced every mother's greatest fear. Her daughter Pauline died of cancer three years ago, aged 42, leaving two young sons. Wendy's chief consolation is that her daughter defied medical expectation by living even that long


http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2011/jul/16/wendy-perriam-daughter-death?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487


The wind tugged at my hair as I stood at the far end of the harbour wall at Newhaven, on the Sussex coast, gazing out at the open sea. In my hand was a small glass bottle, containing two letters. One was to my daughter, Pauline, who had died exactly a year before, on 27 August 2008. The other was to anyone who might find the bottle, should it drift off course, begging them to send it on its way.

Its destination was Whidbey, a small island off Seattle, where Pauline, a naturalised American married to an American, is buried. The cemetery is a beautiful, untrammelled place, lapped by waves and shaded by tall trees, but it's 5,000 miles away, so I cannot make regular visits as I would if she were buried here.

Was I crazy to imagine that a helpless bottle could find its way down the Channel, into the Atlantic, then on to the Pacific, and eventually wash up at the Puget Sound – an interminable, unlikely journey – and not be smashed to smithereens on rocks, or blitzed by boat propellers? Yes, undoubtedly. But I, a grieving mother, unable to visit the grave in person on this first anniversary, felt a deep need to reach my daughter, however irrational the means. So I asked my two grandsons, Ned and Will, to watch out for the bottle and let me know if and when it arrived, even if it took a year.

Two days later, I received an email from a man in Southampton, who had found the bottle and, having read my letter, sent it on its way again. The next email, a month later, was in a foreign language. The bottle had washed up at Nazare and again been hurled back into the sea by a kindly Portuguese person. The chances of my fragile little bottle travelling so far must have been a million to one, so I dared to hope that, by some stroke of luck, it might reach its destination. But that was the last I heard of it.

"Well, what did you expect?" a friend demanded. Yet, irrational or not, I intend to repeat the exercise. It seems important to make some gesture on every anniversary of the death; a pilgrimage to the sea and a communing with a daughter who lies cradled by another, far-off ocean.

Letters are important. Pauline left me one to read after her death – a source of both deep sadness and deep solace – and I placed one in her coffin, reminding her that my love for her would never die. I also helped Ned compose a short note to his mother, to be placed against her heart.

Pauline also left letters for her sons, and we worked on these together in the last stage of her illness. She wanted the boys, then 10 and seven, to have a written testimony of her love; fearing that, as they grew older, their memory of her might fade. I suggested she tell them about their births, as once she was no longer there, no one else would know the details. Their father, her first husband, had died at 42, of a heart attack. I hoped they might find it comforting to read how overjoyed she was to hold them in her arms for the first time.

Of course, I was remembering her birth, and my own elation when my longed-for baby was delivered safe and well. My triumphant smile seemed to spread through my whole body and send champagne bubbles frisking through my bloodstream. I'd been told in my early 20s that I would never have a child and, though I did conceive, I lost the baby at 12 weeks.

A few months later, I became pregnant again. However, at the critical 12-week stage, I had a haemorrhage and was informed by an obstetrician that the foetal heart had stopped beating. My mother, a devout Catholic, stormed heaven for a miracle and, incredible as it sounds, the foetal heart restarted two days later. Hence my joy on 31 December 1965, when Pauline was delivered healthy and very much alive.

Flash forward 42 years to another hospital, my daughter's deathbed. The palliative nurse, Alicia, explained that Pauline could still hear, although she couldn't talk or move, and that my voice was the one she knew best, having listened to it in the womb. So I, her father, and her husband, Herb, spoke to her throughout the long, protracted process of her death. We did our best to support her as she slipped, alone, into that "undiscovered country"; trying to make her feel that, however terrible the parting, she was surrounded by our love.

Her end was peaceful. She had been terrified of choking to death – a possibility once the cancer spread to her lungs. She also had a horror of being buried alive and begged me to ensure that she was completely "gone" before any undertaker approached. No mother expects to have such conversations with her child, but Pauline's illness changed the nature of our bond. Before, we might discuss her career, or friends, or future hopes. Now we discussed her fear of death and doubts about – yet yearning for – an afterlife. She knew I'd understand, as I had wrestled with such issues since my teens and at least we were blessed in having time to address the important matters, including her sons' future.

In fact, realising how much worse it was for two small boys to have their mother so gravely ill helped me to cope myself. With their father dead, it had been an appalling shock for them when, in November 2006, a cancerous tumour was discovered on her tongue (extremely rare among non-smokers and the under-65s; Pauline was only 40 and had never smoked).

Radiation in the mouth is one of the most brutal of cancer treatments. Yet, throughout the gruelling weeks of treatment, Pauline never indulged in self-pity. All the pain she suffered, I seemed to experience myself, as if she were still part of my own body; still in the womb. I hope that at least it helped her feel a little less alone, knowing that we were so closely linked, in body and in mind.

Her remarkable courage set me an example that I draw on even now. Despite my natural cowardice, I knew I must be worthy of her. Once, I had taught her how to read, how to sew, how to plant nasturtiums. Now she was teaching me far more important life lessons. Yet I ached to take the cancer from her; even to die instead.

In 2007, when she was still expected to survive, I wrote a short story about her illness and deliberately gave it a happy ending. The story, entitled Worms, was prompted by my grandson Will, whom I was taking to the school bus. As we walked along, we kept seeing earthworms stranded on the sidewalk and Will insisted on stopping to put each and every one safely back into the soil. "Worms mustn't die," he told me, with deep feeling – not needing to spell out who else mustn't die.

He and Ned matched their mother's courage throughout the slow, relentless encroachment of the cancer. Ned read to her when she was too weak to pick up a book; held cool flannels against her burning forehead, urging, "Be brave, Mum!" Obviously, though, both boys were prey to hideous fear and the vividness of their imaginations was frequently brought home to me. On the day of her death, Will asked, "Is Mum a ghost now?", and later, during a family discussion about a suitable memorial for the grave, he remarked, "We can't plant a tree because the roots would get tangled up with Mum's feet."

No one could deny that the death of a child – even a grown-up child – is profoundly traumatic. My sister, who lost a son of 33, told me, a few years ago, that she re-experienced the grief every single day. It was no worse, she said, on his birthday or the anniversary of his death – it was a constant, daily, gnawing sense of loss.

At the time, I didn't fully understand. Only now do I grasp the truth of her words; waking daily to the reality of having lost my daughter; wrestling nightly with gruesome images of her thin, grey, lifeless body, or the heartlessly glossy coffin that seemed to mock her own bruised and shrunken state.

Yet, since she died, I've discovered tangible ways of remaining close. Herb (who has formally adopted Ned and Will) gave me her coat as a comfort blanket for the harrowing flight home. I continue to wear it, seeming to sense her presence in the fabric.

My greatest consolation, though, is that I had my child for 42 years – 42 years longer than predicted at the outset. I keep a sort of scrapbook in my head, full of Pauline, as baby, toddler, schoolgirl, undergraduate, career woman, bride and then mother in her turn. Even death cannot expunge the fact that I enjoyed my daughter at all those different stages – and, yes, even now, I strive to keep her vibrantly alive.


Rose Callaly: 'I heard my daughter's voice say: 'He did it'

Rose Callaly's daughter, Rachel, was brutally murdered in 2004. At first it seemed a burglary had gone terribly wrong, but three years later Rachel's husband was convicted of the killing. How have the family coped?

http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2010/jul/17/rose-callaly-rachel-oreilly-murder?INTCMP=ILCNETTXT3487

Nine days after her daughter Rachel was murdered, Rose Callaly felt she knew, with sudden shocking certainty, that her son-in-law had done it. Rachel O'Reilly, the 30-year-old mother of two young boys, had been bludgeoned to death at her house, just outside Dublin, on 4 October 2004. The scene had been staged to look like a burglary that had got horribly out of control.

In those days afterwards, remembers Callaly, as her tight-knit family struggled to come to terms with the shock, Rachel's husband, Joe O'Reilly, remained cool, cold even. "Up until she was buried," says Callaly, in the living room of her house in Dublin, "I was too much in shock to even consider who might have done it. In the beginning, my heart would break for him [O'Reilly]. I remember the day Rachel was buried, the police said to him that they wanted to come to the house the following day to identify what was missing [in the 'burglary']. The day after the funeral, he went and we spoke to him that evening and he said he felt a great peace being in the house. He asked us if we wanted to go."

Callaly had no intention of going back to the house where just over a week earlier she had found her daughter's body in the bedroom, bloody and unrecognisable, but her husband, Jim, said that if it had helped O'Reilly start to come to terms with his wife's death, then maybe it would help them too.

At the house, O'Reilly, as she recounts in her book about the killing, investigation and trial, was behaving bizarrely and upsettingly, re-enacting how he thought the person responsible must have killed Rachel, even acting out the blows to her body that would have produced the blood that was still spattered on the walls. Back downstairs, he made a show of playing the answering machine messages, many of which were from himself. What Callaly heard in her head, instead, was Rachel's voice, saying: "He did it."

"I know this sounds strange but I could hear her," she says. "It was like someone kicking me here." She puts a hand to her stomach. "I remember thinking to myself that I was really losing it. But I came out of the house that day and I knew in my heart. I had no doubt whatsoever that he had done it."

That night, after their eldest son (Rachel was the middle of their five children) had gone back to his house, Callaly told her husband of her fear. He became very upset, and pleaded with her not to talk about it to anyone else. "He said people react to grief in different ways and that Joe was just behaving as if he was in shock because he was so cool and calm. I couldn't speak to Jim about it after that because he would get so upset, but I said, 'I'm not going to say it to you again, but I'm just asking you to be open-minded.'

"It probably took Jim a long time to come round to the fact that he was capable of doing that. It was the worst-case scenario for us. Eventually, he came around to it – he was just quietly having to accept facts – and it nearly destroyed him." In those early weeks, O'Reilly had regularly visited Callaly's house. "I couldn't look at him," she says. "And he knew I knew."

The police soon ruled out the burglary theory, and six weeks after Rachel's death, Joe O'Reilly was arrested. After a long investigation, he was convicted of her murder in July 2007, though he has never admitted the killing. How does Callaly feel about him now? "I try not to think about him, and if he comes into my mind I put him out. I could be angry, but that would waste energy I don't have. He is still saying he didn't murder Rachel, and I can't explain how important that it is, that if he just admitted that he did it, it would be a huge burden lifted."

Clearly the centre of her large family, Callaly is warm and welcoming, stopping to offer more coffee and plates of sandwiches and cakes. "When I look back, I wonder how I kept sane through it all," she says, when she sits down again. "It changes you for ever. I'm not the person I was. Your perception of life changes. I always felt lucky and I knew it. Now, I have a fear of the future. I certainly don't look forward as much. I'm very sensitive now, in lots of ways, about people and interaction with people. I just find I'm not as happy a person as I was. Our lives now bear no comparison to how they were almost six years ago."

The family dealt with it differently, she says. "Although 95% of me knew that they never would, I used to be afraid the lads would do something [to O'Reilly]. I even thought things myself that I never thought would ever enter my head – I would feel I wanted to kill him. Thank God, that passes. Declan is very quiet, and he would be sitting there and I would look over and he would be in floods of tears. Paul had a different way of dealing with it – he would get angry. Anthony and Ann were absolutely devastated."

It isn't unusual for couples to break apart after the death of a child, even an adult child, and Callaly admitted that her relationship with her husband became very difficult. "In the beginning, you take it out on the ones closest to you. Jim and I were doing that, which was very hard. He was very angry for a long time, angry at everything. I remember he was either prostrate with grief or he would fly off the handle. That's just the way he got through it." He went back to work, running his plumbing business. "I think he tried to keep busy. He still does, because it keeps his mind on other things. I found it very hard in the beginning. I wasn't sleeping, and when I did get to sleep, I didn't want to wake up. I didn't want to go out, but I couldn't sit in the house. I would go for walks, and many times I would be walking along in floods of tears. Sometimes I thought I was over the worst, but I wasn't. You reach your limit for a time, and then you gather yourself together again. That happens less as you go on, and I'd hate to have to go through that part of it again."

Jim recently started having counselling, and it has helped, she says. "I might, but I'm not ready yet," says Callaly. "I can talk for Ireland, and I think if you can talk, it helps because you're not holding it in as much."

She started writing her book, she says, as a way of processing information that seemed too surreal to deal with, and so that there was nothing she could ever forget. "It was incredibly painful to dig through all the stuff I had been trying to forget. At the time, it didn't feel like it was doing me any good but you realise you can't bury it for ever. In hindsight, it was therapeutic."

Writing also made her remember signs that things weren't all that they might have been in Rachel's marriage, that she had dismissed at the time; that brought a huge sense of guilt. "I know life doesn't always go smoothly for people, and you let it pass over."

She recalls that O'Reilly had been withdrawing from his wife's family in the months leading up to her death, and she had seen her daughter in tears after what she assumed was an argument. "It's only when I sat down to write and it was on the paper in front of me that I realised there were signs and I didn't make more of them. I keep thinking, why didn't I do something?"

When she talked to Rachel's friends, she found that none of them knew what was going on in Rachel's marriage, though she had given each little bits of information – that she wasn't happy, that O'Reilly, who at the trial was revealed to have been having an affair, was controlling and manipulative. "It was like they each had a bit of the puzzle but she didn't tell one person the whole picture. That I didn't realise something was up is the part I find really hard. I do regret that, but I don't know that, had I questioned Rachel, she would have told me."

Her grandchildren – she has four by her surviving children – keep her going. "When they are around, they really lift my heart. I don't dwell on anything else, I'm just thinking of them. You just feel life goes on and you look at the rest of the family and it's getting bigger. They are all so supportive of each other, which is a great help to Jim and I. We were very close already, but something like this does make you close ranks and makes you realise the importance of having support around you. It is particularly painful at family get-togethers, because Rachel would have been in the middle of it all – she was so family-orientated."

For all Callaly's warmth, there is a tangible sadness about her. "I do think of all the good times Rachel had, but she had better times to come. What she missed out on, and the horrific way she died, is what I think about most. When you realise that life has to go on, it becomes an acceptance, but you don't ever forget. It doesn't hurt any less, but you learn how to cope better with it. Life will never be the same. Before I go to sleep every night the last thing I think about is Rachel and every morning, the first thing that comes into my head is Rachel. It's always Rachel."


How we coped after my wife's murder

In 1992, Elizabeth Howe was killed by a stranger. Her husband Jeremy Howe explains how time – and love – helped him and their two daughters rebuild their lives

http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2012/feb/25/jeremy-howe-wife-elizabeth-murdered


In broad daylight at the University of York on Saturday 25 July 1992, the opening day of an Open University summer school, Dr Elizabeth Howe was stabbed to death in her study bedroom by a stranger. Elizabeth – Lizzie – was my wife and the mother of our two girls, Jessica, then six and Lucy, four. We were just an ordinary middle-class thirtysomething family leading a normal Guardian-reading life.

The murder smashed through that with the force of a hurricane. It destroyed Lizzie, a promising academic whose first book had been published weeks before. She was the love of my life and a wonderful mother. Jessica, Lucy and I were nearly swept away by the force of what hit us. Nearly 20 years on, all three of us are again normal people leading normal lives. How on earth did we cope?

A couple of days after Lizzie's death, when I was still reeling with the shock of what had happened – as well as struggling to come to terms with the fact that I, an averagely useless workaholic dad, was now the sole carer of our, my, two girls – a wise friend of ours made a suggestion that has stayed with me. That, in spite of what had happened, we weren't necessarily damaged, but that our lives would be different than if Lizzie were still alive.

At the time it didn't feel like that. It was as if we were stranded in the wreck of a car that had just been driven into by a 40-tonne truck. One of us was dead, the three survivors were battered. I had an image of all our worldly goods, our lives, lying scattered around the scene of the accident. I was just sitting paralysed in the wreckage. I just didn't know what to do and it felt as if our future had been smashed up in front of us. But my friend was right. I think our lives have been different, that we have not been damaged. But it was a close-run thing.

When Lucy was eight, the mother of one of her classmates died of cancer. "Daddy, I can't decide if it is better for your mummy to die like Mummy, which was so quick."

"No, darling, nor can I."

"I think it is better like the way Mummy died."

I hugged her.

Loss is one of the most difficult things to come to terms with, and I can't bear to think how tough it must have been for Jessica and Lucy – and Lucy's friend – to have no mother. It is bloody tough whichever way you skin it, but what I do know is that coming to terms with murder is in a different order to plain grief.

"So how did your wife die?" a colleague asked the other day.

As I write, I can feel that sense of being marooned on the pavement at the moment she asked the question: I take a deep breath, my heart begins to pound, my face goes red, my throat and chest tighten, "You don't want to know," I say, but once I have started I cannot hold back, some unstoppable force in my brain has been unleashed and I blurt out – against my judgment, which is saying "Stop! Avoid! Abort!" – that she was killed. I qualify killed – "Murdered" – and breathlessly babble out the whole story. The shock on my colleague's face is visible, "My God, Jeremy, I had no idea, I am ... so sorry ... so ... how terrible," and she bursts into tears on the street there in front of me. I don't know what to do or say, so I hug her although we barely know each other and I can feel myself wanting to cry – and I don't want to – so I start talking 19 to the dozen.

I feel shriven all day long. Nearly 20 years after Lizzie was killed, I still don't cope with it at all well. The details of Lizzie's death are like a horrible secret, but like the troll lurking under the kitchen table waiting to pounce and devour you, it is a secret that will come out. It has the malevolence of a cancer cell – it quietly grows and grows, and I know deep down that if I fail to respect it, it has the potential to overwhelm me.

When Lizzie died, my grief was a massive crater in the living room of my house. How do you live with that?

For years afterwards, there were times when I just wanted to beat the shit out of the man who murdered Lizzie. I knew that if I was in the same room, I would want to kill him. This is not healthy. I had never experienced anything like that before – a kind of uncontrollable, bubbling anger remote from anything in my experience. Hatred is exhausting. Only Lizzie's killer being put in prison for ever – albeit five years after her death – quelled my feelings and my fears. Knowing that he was out of harm's way – my harming him's way – lifted the burden of hatred.

The manner of Lizzie's death screwed me up. The sheer violence of it, the madness and the pointlessness of it, polluted me. When I think of Lizzie's terrifying last moments, my mind just shuts down. Her death blocked the way back to the happy memories of our love, so that the life that we had been leading, just a few days before, was emotionally unreachable and horribly tainted. It was painful to live with.

The police didn't help either. I went to York on the day after Lizzie's death to identify her body. They were perfectly polite and they offered their condolences, but they were formal and cool in their dealings with me. Why? Surely they could see that I was in a state of shock, how vulnerable I was? When I met the two detectives in charge of the case, it dawned on me that they were treating me as a suspect.

I knew I had nothing to do with Lizzie's death, but they didn't. Even though they had arrested the man who admitted to killing Lizzie, for all they knew I could have put him up to it. It was a chilling realisation. The next 45 minutes, while I "helped the police with their inquiries" was one of the worst, most frightening, episodes of my life. Because it was all done so politely, it was surreal – like the worst nightmares are surreal – but I sat there feeling that my life was collapsing around me.

Less than an hour later, I was free to go and get on with the rest of my life, but the damage was done. Whenever the police got in touch with me over the following few years – a regular occurrence because of the impending trial of Lizzie's killer – my anxiety levels hit the roof.

And the press? As far as I was aware, Lizzie's death was first reported that afternoon on the news bulletins on Radio York as "an unnamed academic has been found dead in her room on campus". Within an hour of my leaving the police station it was the headline, and by the middle of Sunday afternoon our street in Oxford was awash with journalists. Luckily, we were staying at my sister's in Norfolk, so not affected – except that it felt as if we were hiding from a prying world. Lizzie's death was Monday's front-page news. Seeing your life story paraded as a tragedy across the tabloids was a strange experience, but perhaps not in the way you might expect. It didn't feel connected to what we were going through: it didn't even feel like our story.

I was curious to see to whom they had talked about us. But most of all I felt a sense of relief that there was a public outrage about Lizzie's death. It made me feel better, that the world was sharing our disbelief. I felt cheated that by Wednesday it was no longer thought newsworthy. But it did mean that our story was firmly in the world out there, which made me feel very nervous about going out.

The hapless policeman who had been given the job of coming to the house to tell me at 1am on that awful Sunday morning had said that Lizzie had been hurt. He couldn't use the "m" word. It is one of the hardest things to say, and if it is hard to say – "My wife has been murdered" – imagine how hard it is to assimilate the reality of it into our lives.

You have to be one of a very select band of Jessica and Lucy's friends to be told what happened to their mummy. It is not that they don't want to talk about her – even 20 years on she is a part of our lives – but the shutters come down when the question of how she died is broached. I think all three of us have stratagems for avoiding the story, only sometimes, as with my poor colleague, they fail.

But we have assimilated it. As a family we saw a wonderful child psychiatrist who encouraged the girls to talk about their mummy, write about her, draw pictures of her, and make her death feel as much a part of their lives as her life was.

In myriad small ways she helped us to find ways to cope – so every night for years Jessica would say a prayer that was more like a phone call to God: "Dear Lord, thank you for the nice day I have had today and for looking after Lucy and Daddy and me. Can I talk to Mummy now ..." and she would then tell her mother everything she had done that day.

I found these prayers unbearably difficult to cope with, but the psychiatrist would talk about them with Jessica, and then tell me: "I am sorry, Mr Howe, but I think Jessica still needs to say prayers." I saw a psychiatrist myself, who taught me not to confront the massive black hole that seemed to threaten my life, but to live with it, skirt round it, peer into it, but to go no further. He turned the monster I had in my head of the man who killed Lizzie into a man who was sick, but when I started to show signs of feeling sorry for him, he told me to channel any compassion I had for him towards people who mattered. Both doctors were brilliant.

In the end, the solution to our problems was simpler than therapy. Time is indeed a great healer. The anger, the hurt and the strangeness of being on planet grief faded with time, and being a single-parent dad became a kind of normality. But, more fundamentally I think, as a family we laid ourselves open to what had happened, which is easier in a situation like ours – murder rather than cancer – because when your story is paraded across the front pages of the press there is nowhere to hide, so it makes you confront it. For a start, I had to – uneasily and reluctantly – tell the girls exactly what had happened to their mummy because if I didn't someone else would. In doing so, I discovered that truth, the facing up to it, the act of outstaring the awfulness of what had happened to us, might hurt like hell, but it doesn't do damage; it helps you heal. Truth is an astringent, it cleans wounds, it sets broken bones cleanly. And living openly with their mother's death bound Jessica, Lucy and me together with hoops of tempered steel.

In the weeks, months, years after Lizzie's death I found love like I have never found before – the love of family, of friends, the love of being a parent. Eventually I discovered, too, that I could still love Lizzie, but in a different way to before: I could love her through what she had given me and what she had given the children; and I could love her through what I saw of her in Jessica and Lucy too.

By realising that, I changed. Instead of staring down at the path I had been struggling along, I looked up, and in 1996 I met someone and fell in love. The day that Jennie moved in with us was the day I stopped calling myself a widower. It was the day my life became normal once more. I had picked myself up, dusted myself down and moved onwards.

Monday, February 20, 2012

'Iraq's 'devastated' Marsh Arabs'

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/2807821.stm

Monday, 3 March, 2003, 12:45 GMT

The Marsh Arabs, or Madan, saw their centuries-old way of life virtually destroyed under Saddam Hussein's regime.

Marsh Arabs in boat (Image: Amar Foundation)
Campaigners say the Marsh Arabs are victims of genocide
Many fled their remote homeland in the marshes of southern Iraq when the central government reasserted its authority across the country after uprisings following the 1991 Gulf War.

In addition, massive government drainage schemes have turned the region from one of the world's most significant wetlands to a wasteland of cracked, salinated earth.

Baroness Emma Nicholson, Chairman of the Amar Foundation, which provides aid to Marsh Arab refugees, believes they are the victims of genocide.

In targeting the Madan, Saddam Hussein "has destroyed the livelihoods and many of the lives of nearly half a million people", she told BBC News Online.

The United Nations Environmental Programme says about 90% of the up to 20,000 square kilometres of marshlands have been lost because of drainage and upstream damming in "one of the world's greatest environmental disasters".

Estimates suggest there were around 400,000 Madan in the 1950s, but that this had dropped to 250,000 by 1991.

There may now be as few as 20,000 living in the marshes.

Clinic in traditional Marsh Arab reed building (Image: Amar Foundation)
The Marsh Arabs built complex, arched buildings from reeds
The wetland region where the Tigris and Euphrates rivers split into meandering ribbons and lakes before flowing into the Persian Gulf has been home to human communities for five millennia.

The Bible places the Garden of Eden near the two rivers (Genesis chapter 2, verse 14).

Until 1991, the Madan lived traditionally, growing rice and dates, raising water buffalo, fishing and building boats and houses from reeds.

Uprisings

After coalition forces drove Iraqi troops from Kuwait in the Gulf War, rebellions spread across the south and north of the country.

ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT
Ecosystem has "completely collapsed"
Impact on wildlife and biodiversity is "catastrophic"
The marshlands are home to:
Two-thirds of west Asia's wintering wildfowl
11 globally-threatened bird species
3 globally-threatened mammal species
SOURCE: UNEP
Shia Muslims in the city of Basra on the southern edge of the marshes played a key role. Some Marsh Arabs took part.

Iraqi Government forces put down the uprisings brutally, bombing civilians from military helicopters. Between 30,000 and 60,000 people were killed, according to the United States.

Tens of thousands of army deserters, political opponents and others sought shelter in the remote marshes, Human Rights Watch says.

Repression was stepped up in the southern Shia towns and the Iraqi regime began large-scale hydro-engineering projects in the marshes, building dams, canals and embankments. Water levels began to drop.

In 1992 and 1993 reports emerged of a military campaign to flush out the wetlands.

If the marshlands are not restored... then the marsh people will fade into history, and our generation will be responsible for the deliberate extinction of one of the oldest races in the world
Baroness Emma Nicholson
Refugees fleeing to Iran described artillery and aerial attacks on civilian areas, arrests and executions, mine-laying and the destruction of homes and properties.

They said the Iraqis used napalm and chemical weapons and poisoned the marsh waters, although the accusations have not been confirmed.

In August 1992, US, UK and French forces imposed a no-fly zone to stop attacks on southern Iraq from the air, but offensives continued on the ground.

"The army's favourite tactic is to blow up villages selectively and then sow mines in the water before retreating," wrote the Observer journalist Shyam Bhatia, who visited the marshes in 1993.

Baroness Nicholson in dried-out marsh (Image: Amar Foundation)
As much as 90% of the marshlands have been destroyed
Iraq said its engineering programmes were for reclaiming agricultural land and that it was running a relocation programme for the benefit of the marsh dwellers.

But the UN special rapporteur on Iraq, Max van der Stoel, concluded in 1995 that he had found "extremely little evidence" of successful land reclamation and "indisputable evidence of widespread destruction and human suffering".

'Desolation'

A decade later, about 40,000 Marsh Arabs are known to be living in camps or squatter settlements in Iran.

Madan boy in camp in Iran (Image: Amar Foundation)
About 40,000 Marsh Arabs fled to Iran
The rest are thought to be internally displaced in Iraq, but no one knows how many are still alive.

Baroness Nicholson, who visited Marsh Arabs in Iran in early February 2003, said the psychological impact on them had been "total and devastating".

She said the Madan would not be able to return home unless Saddam Hussein was replaced by an administration which would allow the marshes to be re-flooded.

Even then it might be too late to restore more than half the marshlands, she said, and few of the refugees held out much hope.

"The Marsh Arabs I know are in a state of desolation and utter hopelessness. They have been treated as no human beings should be treated and virtually no one has done anything about it," she said.

"If the marshlands are not restored in the wake of the toppling of Saddam's regime, then the marsh people will fade into history, and our generation will be responsible for the deliberate extinction of one of the oldest races in the world," she added.

Tuesday, February 07, 2012

'Caught in the web'

A short drama made by BBC's Newsround, warning children of the web's dangers.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b00qp1pm/Newsround_Caught_in_the_Web/

http://www.bbc.co.uk/i/qp1pm/

'Mass Incarceration and Criminal Justice in America'

From 'New Yorker' -

http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/atlarge/2012/01/30/120130crat_atlarge_gopnik?currentPage=all

The Caging of America

Why do we lock up so many people?

by January 30, 2012

Six million people are under correctional supervision in the U.S.

Six million people are under correctional supervision in the U.S.—more than were in Stalin’s gulags. Photograph by Steve Liss.

A prison is a trap for catching time. Good reporting appears often about the inner life of the American prison, but the catch is that American prison life is mostly undramatic—the reported stories fail to grab us, because, for the most part, nothing happens. One day in the life of Ivan Denisovich is all you need to know about Ivan Denisovich, because the idea that anyone could live for a minute in such circumstances seems impossible; one day in the life of an American prison means much less, because the force of it is that one day typically stretches out for decades. It isn’t the horror of the time at hand but the unimaginable sameness of the time ahead that makes prisons unendurable for their inmates. The inmates on death row in Texas are called men in “timeless time,” because they alone aren’t serving time: they aren’t waiting out five years or a decade or a lifetime. The basic reality of American prisons is not that of the lock and key but that of the lock and clock.

That’s why no one who has been inside a prison, if only for a day, can ever forget the feeling. Time stops. A note of attenuated panic, of watchful paranoia—anxiety and boredom and fear mixed into a kind of enveloping fog, covering the guards as much as the guarded. “Sometimes I think this whole world is one big prison yard, / Some of us are prisoners, some of us are guards,” Dylan sings, and while it isn’t strictly true—just ask the prisoners—it contains a truth: the guards are doing time, too. As a smart man once wrote after being locked up, the thing about jail is that there are bars on the windows and they won’t let you out. This simple truth governs all the others. What prisoners try to convey to the free is how the presence of time as something being done to you, instead of something you do things with, alters the mind at every moment. For American prisoners, huge numbers of whom are serving sentences much longer than those given for similar crimes anywhere else in the civilized world—Texas alone has sentenced more than four hundred teen-agers to life imprisonment—time becomes in every sense this thing you serve.

For most privileged, professional people, the experience of confinement is a mere brush, encountered after a kid’s arrest, say. For a great many poor people in America, particularly poor black men, prison is a destination that braids through an ordinary life, much as high school and college do for rich white ones. More than half of all black men without a high-school diploma go to prison at some time in their lives. Mass incarceration on a scale almost unexampled in human history is a fundamental fact of our country today—perhaps the fundamental fact, as slavery was the fundamental fact of 1850. In truth, there are more black men in the grip of the criminal-justice system—in prison, on probation, or on parole—than were in slavery then. Over all, there are now more people under “correctional supervision” in America—more than six million—than were in the Gulag Archipelago under Stalin at its height. That city of the confined and the controlled, Lockuptown, is now the second largest in the United States.

The accelerating rate of incarceration over the past few decades is just as startling as the number of people jailed: in 1980, there were about two hundred and twenty people incarcerated for every hundred thousand Americans; by 2010, the number had more than tripled, to seven hundred and thirty-one. No other country even approaches that. In the past two decades, the money that states spend on prisons has risen at six times the rate of spending on higher education. Ours is, bottom to top, a “carceral state,” in the flat verdict of Conrad Black, the former conservative press lord and newly minted reformer, who right now finds himself imprisoned in Florida, thereby adding a new twist to an old joke: A conservative is a liberal who’s been mugged; a liberal is a conservative who’s been indicted; and a passionate prison reformer is a conservative who’s in one.

The scale and the brutality of our prisons are the moral scandal of American life. Every day, at least fifty thousand men—a full house at Yankee Stadium—wake in solitary confinement, often in “supermax” prisons or prison wings, in which men are locked in small cells, where they see no one, cannot freely read and write, and are allowed out just once a day for an hour’s solo “exercise.” (Lock yourself in your bathroom and then imagine you have to stay there for the next ten years, and you will have some sense of the experience.) Prison rape is so endemic—more than seventy thousand prisoners are raped each year—that it is routinely held out as a threat, part of the punishment to be expected. The subject is standard fodder for comedy, and an uncoöperative suspect being threatened with rape in prison is now represented, every night on television, as an ordinary and rather lovable bit of policing. The normalization of prison rape—like eighteenth-century japery about watching men struggle as they die on the gallows—will surely strike our descendants as chillingly sadistic, incomprehensible on the part of people who thought themselves civilized. Though we avoid looking directly at prisons, they seep obliquely into our fashions and manners. Wealthy white teen-agers in baggy jeans and laceless shoes and multiple tattoos show, unconsciously, the reality of incarceration that acts as a hidden foundation for the country.

How did we get here? How is it that our civilization, which rejects hanging and flogging and disembowelling, came to believe that caging vast numbers of people for decades is an acceptably humane sanction? There’s a fairly large recent scholarly literature on the history and sociology of crime and punishment, and it tends to trace the American zeal for punishment back to the nineteenth century, apportioning blame in two directions. There’s an essentially Northern explanation, focussing on the inheritance of the notorious Eastern State Penitentiary, in Philadelphia, and its “reformist” tradition; and a Southern explanation, which sees the prison system as essentially a slave plantation continued by other means. Robert Perkinson, the author of the Southern revisionist tract “Texas Tough: The Rise of America’s Prison Empire,” traces two ancestral lines, “from the North, the birthplace of rehabilitative penology, to the South, the fountainhead of subjugationist discipline.” In other words, there’s the scientific taste for reducing men to numbers and the slave owners’ urge to reduce blacks to brutes.

William J. Stuntz, a professor at Harvard Law School who died shortly before his masterwork, “The Collapse of American Criminal Justice,” was published, last fall, is the most forceful advocate for the view that the scandal of our prisons derives from the Enlightenment-era, “procedural” nature of American justice. He runs through the immediate causes of the incarceration epidemic: the growth of post-Rockefeller drug laws, which punished minor drug offenses with major prison time; “zero tolerance” policing, which added to the group; mandatory-sentencing laws, which prevented judges from exercising judgment. But his search for the ultimate cause leads deeper, all the way to the Bill of Rights. In a society where Constitution worship is still a requisite on right and left alike, Stuntz startlingly suggests that the Bill of Rights is a terrible document with which to start a justice system—much inferior to the exactly contemporary French Declaration of the Rights of Man, which Jefferson, he points out, may have helped shape while his protégé Madison was writing ours.

The trouble with the Bill of Rights, he argues, is that it emphasizes process and procedure rather than principles. The Declaration of the Rights of Man says, Be just! The Bill of Rights says, Be fair! Instead of announcing general principles—no one should be accused of something that wasn’t a crime when he did it; cruel punishments are always wrong; the goal of justice is, above all, that justice be done—it talks procedurally. You can’t search someone without a reason; you can’t accuse him without allowing him to see the evidence; and so on. This emphasis, Stuntz thinks, has led to the current mess, where accused criminals get laboriously articulated protection against procedural errors and no protection at all against outrageous and obvious violations of simple justice. You can get off if the cops looked in the wrong car with the wrong warrant when they found your joint, but you have no recourse if owning the joint gets you locked up for life. You may be spared the death penalty if you can show a problem with your appointed defender, but it is much harder if there is merely enormous accumulated evidence that you weren’t guilty in the first place and the jury got it wrong. Even clauses that Americans are taught to revere are, Stuntz maintains, unworthy of reverence: the ban on “cruel and unusual punishment” was designed to protect cruel punishments—flogging and branding—that were not at that time unusual.

The obsession with due process and the cult of brutal prisons, the argument goes, share an essential impersonality. The more professionalized and procedural a system is, the more insulated we become from its real effects on real people. That’s why America is famous both for its process-driven judicial system (“The bastard got off on a technicality,” the cop-show detective fumes) and for the harshness and inhumanity of its prisons. Though all industrialized societies started sending more people to prison and fewer to the gallows in the eighteenth century, it was in Enlightenment-inspired America that the taste for long-term, profoundly depersonalized punishment became most aggravated. The inhumanity of American prisons was as much a theme for Dickens, visiting America in 1842, as the cynicism of American lawyers. His shock when he saw the Eastern State Penitentiary, in Philadelphia—a “model” prison, at the time the most expensive public building ever constructed in the country, where every prisoner was kept in silent, separate confinement—still resonates:


I believe that very few men are capable of estimating the immense amount of torture and agony which this dreadful punishment, prolonged for years, inflicts upon the sufferers. . . . I hold this slow and daily tampering with the mysteries of the brain, to be immeasurably worse than any torture of the body: and because its ghastly signs and tokens are not so palpable to the eye and sense of touch as scars upon the flesh; because its wounds are not upon the surface, and it extorts few cries that human ears can hear; therefore I the more denounce it, as a secret punishment which slumbering humanity is not roused up to stay.

Not roused up to stay—that was the point. Once the procedure ends, the penalty begins, and, as long as the cruelty is routine, our civil responsibility toward the punished is over. We lock men up and forget about their existence. For Dickens, even the corrupt but communal debtors’ prisons of old London were better than this. “Don’t take it personally!”—that remains the slogan above the gate to the American prison Inferno. Nor is this merely a historian’s vision. Conrad Black, at the high end, has a scary and persuasive picture of how his counsel, the judge, and the prosecutors all merrily congratulated each other on their combined professional excellence just before sending him off to the hoosegow for several years. If a millionaire feels that way, imagine how the ordinary culprit must feel.

In place of abstraction, Stuntz argues for the saving grace of humane discretion. Basically, he thinks, we should go into court with an understanding of what a crime is and what justice is like, and then let common sense and compassion and specific circumstance take over. There’s a lovely scene in “The Castle,” the Australian movie about a family fighting eminent-domain eviction, where its hapless lawyer, asked in court to point to the specific part of the Australian constitution that the eviction violates, says desperately, “It’s . . . just the vibe of the thing.” For Stuntz, justice ought to be just the vibe of the thing—not one procedural error caught or one fact worked around. The criminal law should once again be more like the common law, with judges and juries not merely finding fact but making law on the basis of universal principles of fairness, circumstance, and seriousness, and crafting penalties to the exigencies of the crime.

The other argument—the Southern argument—is that this story puts too bright a face on the truth. The reality of American prisons, this argument runs, has nothing to do with the knots of procedural justice or the perversions of Enlightenment-era ideals. Prisons today operate less in the rehabilitative mode of the Northern reformers “than in a retributive mode that has long been practiced and promoted in the South,” Perkinson, an American-studies professor, writes. “American prisons trace their lineage not only back to Pennsylvania penitentiaries but to Texas slave plantations.” White supremacy is the real principle, this thesis holds, and racial domination the real end. In response to the apparent triumphs of the sixties, mass imprisonment became a way of reimposing Jim Crow. Blacks are now incarcerated seven times as often as whites. “The system of mass incarceration works to trap African Americans in a virtual (and literal) cage,” the legal scholar Michelle Alexander writes. Young black men pass quickly from a period of police harassment into a period of “formal control” (i.e., actual imprisonment) and then are doomed for life to a system of “invisible control.” Prevented from voting, legally discriminated against for the rest of their lives, most will cycle back through the prison system. The system, in this view, is not really broken; it is doing what it was designed to do. Alexander’s grim conclusion: “If mass incarceration is considered as a system of social control—specifically, racial control—then the system is a fantastic success.”

Northern impersonality and Southern revenge converge on a common American theme: a growing number of American prisons are now contracted out as for-profit businesses to for-profit companies. The companies are paid by the state, and their profit depends on spending as little as possible on the prisoners and the prisons. It’s hard to imagine any greater disconnect between public good and private profit: the interest of private prisons lies not in the obvious social good of having the minimum necessary number of inmates but in having as many as possible, housed as cheaply as possible. No more chilling document exists in recent American life than the 2005 annual report of the biggest of these firms, the Corrections Corporation of America. Here the company (which spends millions lobbying legislators) is obliged to caution its investors about the risk that somehow, somewhere, someone might turn off the spigot of convicted men:


Our growth is generally dependent upon our ability to obtain new contracts to develop and manage new correctional and detention facilities. . . . The demand for our facilities and services could be adversely affected by the relaxation of enforcement efforts, leniency in conviction and sentencing practices or through the decriminalization of certain activities that are currently proscribed by our criminal laws. For instance, any changes with respect to drugs and controlled substances or illegal immigration could affect the number of persons arrested, convicted, and sentenced, thereby potentially reducing demand for correctional facilities to house them.

Brecht could hardly have imagined such a document: a capitalist enterprise that feeds on the misery of man trying as hard as it can to be sure that nothing is done to decrease that misery.

Yet a spectre haunts all these accounts, North and South, whether process gone mad or penal colony writ large. It is that the epidemic of imprisonment seems to track the dramatic decline in crime over the same period. The more bad guys there are in prison, it appears, the less crime there has been in the streets. The real background to the prison boom, which shows up only sporadically in the prison literature, is the crime wave that preceded and overlapped it.

For those too young to recall the big-city crime wave of the sixties and seventies, it may seem like mere bogeyman history. For those whose entire childhood and adolescence were set against it, it is the crucial trauma in recent American life and explains much else that happened in the same period. It was the condition of the Upper West Side of Manhattan under liberal rule, far more than what had happened to Eastern Europe under socialism, that made neo-con polemics look persuasive. There really was, as Stuntz himself says, a liberal consensus on crime (“Wherever the line is between a merciful justice system and one that abandons all serious effort at crime control, the nation had crossed it”), and it really did have bad effects.

Yet if, in 1980, someone had predicted that by 2012 New York City would have a crime rate so low that violent crime would have largely disappeared as a subject of conversation, he would have seemed not so much hopeful as crazy. Thirty years ago, crime was supposed to be a permanent feature of the city, produced by an alienated underclass of super-predators; now it isn’t. Something good happened to change it, and you might have supposed that the change would be an opportunity for celebration and optimism. Instead, we mostly content ourselves with grudging and sardonic references to the silly side of gentrification, along with a few all-purpose explanations, like broken-window policing. This is a general human truth: things that work interest us less than things that don’t.

So what is the relation between mass incarceration and the decrease in crime? Certainly, in the nineteen-seventies and eighties, many experts became persuaded that there was no way to make bad people better; all you could do was warehouse them, for longer or shorter periods. The best research seemed to show, depressingly, that nothing works—that rehabilitation was a ruse. Then, in 1983, inmates at the maximum-security federal prison in Marion, Illinois, murdered two guards. Inmates had been (very occasionally) killing guards for a long time, but the timing of the murders, and the fact that they took place in a climate already prepared to believe that even ordinary humanity was wasted on the criminal classes, meant that the entire prison was put on permanent lockdown. A century and a half after absolute solitary first appeared in American prisons, it was reintroduced. Those terrible numbers began to grow.

And then, a decade later, crime started falling: across the country by a standard measure of about forty per cent; in New York City by as much as eighty per cent. By 2010, the crime rate in New York had seen its greatest decline since the Second World War; in 2002, there were fewer murders in Manhattan than there had been in any year since 1900. In social science, a cause sought is usually a muddle found; in life as we experience it, a crisis resolved is causality established. If a pill cures a headache, we do not ask too often if the headache might have gone away by itself.

All this ought to make the publication of Franklin E. Zimring’s new book, “The City That Became Safe,” a very big event. Zimring, a criminologist at Berkeley Law, has spent years crunching the numbers of what happened in New York in the context of what happened in the rest of America. One thing he teaches us is how little we know. The forty per cent drop across the continent—indeed, there was a decline throughout the Western world— took place for reasons that are as mysterious in suburban Ottawa as they are in the South Bronx. Zimring shows that the usual explanations—including demographic shifts—simply can’t account for what must be accounted for. This makes the international decline look slightly eerie: blackbirds drop from the sky, plagues slacken and end, and there seems no absolute reason that societies leap from one state to another over time. Trends and fashions and fads and pure contingencies happen in other parts of our social existence; it may be that there are fashions and cycles in criminal behavior, too, for reasons that are just as arbitrary.

But the additional forty per cent drop in crime that seems peculiar to New York finally succumbs to Zimring’s analysis. The change didn’t come from resolving the deep pathologies that the right fixated on—from jailing super predators, driving down the number of unwed mothers, altering welfare culture. Nor were there cures for the underlying causes pointed to by the left: injustice, discrimination, poverty. Nor were there any “Presto!” effects arising from secret patterns of increased abortions or the like. The city didn’t get much richer; it didn’t get much poorer. There was no significant change in the ethnic makeup or the average wealth or educational levels of New Yorkers as violent crime more or less vanished. “Broken windows” or “turnstile jumping” policing, that is, cracking down on small visible offenses in order to create an atmosphere that refused to license crime, seems to have had a negligible effect; there was, Zimring writes, a great difference between the slogans and the substance of the time. (Arrests for “visible” nonviolent crime—e.g., street prostitution and public gambling—mostly went down through the period.)

Instead, small acts of social engineering, designed simply to stop crimes from happening, helped stop crime. In the nineties, the N.Y.P.D. began to control crime not by fighting minor crimes in safe places but by putting lots of cops in places where lots of crimes happened—“hot-spot policing.” The cops also began an aggressive, controversial program of “stop and frisk”—“designed to catch the sharks, not the dolphins,” as Jack Maple, one of its originators, described it—that involved what’s called pejoratively “profiling.” This was not so much racial, since in any given neighborhood all the suspects were likely to be of the same race or color, as social, involving the thousand small clues that policemen recognized already. Minority communities, Zimring emphasizes, paid a disproportionate price in kids stopped and frisked, and detained, but they also earned a disproportionate gain in crime reduced. “The poor pay more and get more” is Zimring’s way of putting it. He believes that a “light” program of stop-and-frisk could be less alienating and just as effective, and that by bringing down urban crime stop-and-frisk had the net effect of greatly reducing the number of poor minority kids in prison for long stretches.

Zimring insists, plausibly, that he is offering a radical and optimistic rewriting of theories of what crime is and where criminals are, not least because it disconnects crime and minorities. “In 1961, twenty six percent of New York City’s population was minority African American or Hispanic. Now, half of New York’s population is—and what that does in an enormously hopeful way is to destroy the rude assumptions of supply side criminology,” he says. By “supply side criminology,” he means the conservative theory of crime that claimed that social circumstances produced a certain net amount of crime waiting to be expressed; if you stopped it here, it broke out there. The only way to stop crime was to lock up all the potential criminals. In truth, criminal activity seems like most other human choices—a question of contingent occasions and opportunity. Crime is not the consequence of a set number of criminals; criminals are the consequence of a set number of opportunities to commit crimes. Close down the open drug market in Washington Square, and it does not automatically migrate to Tompkins Square Park. It just stops, or the dealers go indoors, where dealing goes on but violent crime does not.

And, in a virtuous cycle, the decreased prevalence of crime fuels a decrease in the prevalence of crime. When your friends are no longer doing street robberies, you’re less likely to do them. Zimring said, in a recent interview, “Remember, nobody ever made a living mugging. There’s no minimum wage in violent crime.” In a sense, he argues, it’s recreational, part of a life style: “Crime is a routine behavior; it’s a thing people do when they get used to doing it.” And therein lies its essential fragility. Crime ends as a result of “cyclical forces operating on situational and contingent things rather than from finding deeply motivated essential linkages.” Conservatives don’t like this view because it shows that being tough doesn’t help; liberals don’t like it because apparently being nice doesn’t help, either. Curbing crime does not depend on reversing social pathologies or alleviating social grievances; it depends on erecting small, annoying barriers to entry.

One fact stands out. While the rest of the country, over the same twenty-year period, saw the growth in incarceration that led to our current astonishing numbers, New York, despite the Rockefeller drug laws, saw a marked decrease in its number of inmates. “New York City, in the midst of a dramatic reduction in crime, is locking up a much smaller number of people, and particularly of young people, than it was at the height of the crime wave,” Zimring observes. Whatever happened to make street crime fall, it had nothing to do with putting more men in prison. The logic is self-evident if we just transfer it to the realm of white-collar crime: we easily accept that there is no net sum of white-collar crime waiting to happen, no inscrutable generation of super-predators produced by Dewar’s-guzzling dads and scaly M.B.A. profs; if you stop an embezzlement scheme here on Third Avenue, another doesn’t naturally start in the next office building. White-collar crime happens through an intersection of pathology and opportunity; getting the S.E.C. busy ending the opportunity is a good way to limit the range of the pathology.

Social trends deeper and less visible to us may appear as future historians analyze what went on. Something other than policing may explain things—just as the coming of cheap credit cards and state lotteries probably did as much to weaken the Mafia’s Five Families in New York, who had depended on loan sharking and numbers running, as the F.B.I. could. It is at least possible, for instance, that the coming of the mobile phone helped drive drug dealing indoors, in ways that helped drive down crime. It may be that the real value of hot spot and stop-and-frisk was that it provided a single game plan that the police believed in; as military history reveals, a bad plan is often better than no plan, especially if the people on the other side think it’s a good plan. But one thing is sure: social epidemics, of crime or of punishment, can be cured more quickly than we might hope with simpler and more superficial mechanisms than we imagine. Throwing a Band-Aid over a bad wound is actually a decent strategy, if the Band-Aid helps the wound to heal itself.

Which leads, further, to one piece of radical common sense: since prison plays at best a small role in stopping even violent crime, very few people, rich or poor, should be in prison for a nonviolent crime. Neither the streets nor the society is made safer by having marijuana users or peddlers locked up, let alone with the horrific sentences now dispensed so easily. For that matter, no social good is served by having the embezzler or the Ponzi schemer locked in a cage for the rest of his life, rather than having him bankrupt and doing community service in the South Bronx for the next decade or two. Would we actually have more fraud and looting of shareholder value if the perpetrators knew that they would lose their bank accounts and their reputation, and have to do community service seven days a week for five years? It seems likely that anyone for whom those sanctions aren’t sufficient is someone for whom no sanctions are ever going to be sufficient. Zimring’s research shows clearly that, if crime drops on the street, criminals coming out of prison stop committing crimes. What matters is the incidence of crime in the world, and the continuity of a culture of crime, not some “lesson learned” in prison.

At the same time, the ugly side of stop-and-frisk can be alleviated. To catch sharks and not dolphins, Zimring’s work suggests, we need to adjust the size of the holes in the nets—to make crimes that are the occasion for stop-and-frisks real crimes, not crimes like marijuana possession. When the New York City police stopped and frisked kids, the main goal was not to jail them for having pot but to get their fingerprints, so that they could be identified if they committed a more serious crime. But all over America the opposite happens: marijuana possession becomes the serious crime. The cost is so enormous, though, in lives ruined and money spent, that the obvious thing to do is not to enforce the law less but to change it now. Dr. Johnson said once that manners make law, and that when manners alter, the law must, too. It’s obvious that marijuana is now an almost universally accepted drug in America: it is not only used casually (which has been true for decades) but also talked about casually on television and in the movies (which has not). One need only watch any stoner movie to see that the perceived risks of smoking dope are not that you’ll get arrested but that you’ll get in trouble with a rival frat or look like an idiot to women. The decriminalization of marijuana would help end the epidemic of imprisonment.

The rate of incarceration in most other rich, free countries, whatever the differences in their histories, is remarkably steady. In countries with Napoleonic justice or common law or some mixture of the two, in countries with adversarial systems and in those with magisterial ones, whether the country once had brutal plantation-style penal colonies, as France did, or was once itself a brutal plantation-style penal colony, like Australia, the natural rate of incarceration seems to hover right around a hundred men per hundred thousand people. (That doesn’t mean it doesn’t get lower in rich, homogeneous countries—just that it never gets much higher in countries otherwise like our own.) It seems that one man in every thousand once in a while does a truly bad thing. All other things being equal, the point of a justice system should be to identify that thousandth guy, find a way to keep him from harming other people, and give everyone else a break.

Epidemics seldom end with miracle cures. Most of the time in the history of medicine, the best way to end disease was to build a better sewer and get people to wash their hands. “Merely chipping away at the problem around the edges” is usually the very best thing to do with a problem; keep chipping away patiently and, eventually, you get to its heart. To read the literature on crime before it dropped is to see the same kind of dystopian despair we find in the new literature of punishment: we’d have to end poverty, or eradicate the ghettos, or declare war on the broken family, or the like, in order to end the crime wave. The truth is, a series of small actions and events ended up eliminating a problem that seemed to hang over everything. There was no miracle cure, just the intercession of a thousand smaller sanities. Ending sentencing for drug misdemeanors, decriminalizing marijuana, leaving judges free to use common sense (and, where possible, getting judges who are judges rather than politicians)—many small acts are possible that will help end the epidemic of imprisonment as they helped end the plague of crime.

“Oh, I have taken too little care of this!” King Lear cries out on the heath in his moment of vision. “Take physic, pomp; expose thyself to feel what wretches feel.” “This” changes; in Shakespeare’s time, it was flat-out peasant poverty that starved some and drove others as mad as poor Tom. In Dickens’s and Hugo’s time, it was the industrial revolution that drove kids to mines. But every society has a poor storm that wretches suffer in, and the attitude is always the same: either that the wretches, already dehumanized by their suffering, deserve no pity or that the oppressed, overwhelmed by injustice, will have to wait for a better world. At every moment, the injustice seems inseparable from the community’s life, and in every case the arguments for keeping the system in place were that you would have to revolutionize the entire social order to change it—which then became the argument for revolutionizing the entire social order. In every case, humanity and common sense made the insoluble problem just get up and go away. Prisons are our this. We need take more care. ♦


Read more http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/atlarge/2012/01/30/120130crat_atlarge_gopnik#ixzz1lik5h0SB

Monday, February 06, 2012

baked hot chocolate

Baked Hot Chocolate Recipe

Ingredients (serves 4):
9 ounces 62% semisweet chocolate, finely chopped
6 tablespoons (3 ounces) unsalted butter cut into cubes
4 large eggs
1/4 cup granulated sugar
whipped cream

Directions:

Position a rack in the middle of the oven and preheat oven to 350 degrees F.
Arrange four 1-cup ovenproof coffee cups or mugs or 8-ounce ramekins in a baking or roasting pan.
Place the chocolate and butter in the top of a double boiler set over gently simmering water, and whisk occasionally until the chocolate has melted and the mixture is smooth. Remove from heat and set aside.
Stir the eggs and sugar together in the bowl of stand mixer then set over the simmering water and stir until warm to the touch.
Place the bowl on the stand mixer and using the whisk attachment, beat for 3 to 5 minutes until light and fluffy.
Remove from the mixer, and fold the eggs into the chocolate mixture until it is light and smooth.
Spoon the batter into the cups. Add enough very hot water to the baking pan to come halfway up the side of the cups. Bake for 15 to 20 minutes. The baked hot chocolate will be done when the tops lose their glossy finish. A wooden skewer inserted in the top will emerge clean, but batter toward the bottom of the cup will still be very moist.
Carefully remove the cups from the pan. The cakes can be served warm, at room temperature or covered and refrigerated for up to 1 day. To reheat, bring to room temperature and place in a preheated 350 degrees F oven for 5 minutes, or until warm.
Serve topped with a dollop of cocoa whipped cream.
[Recipe via The Essence of Chocolate cookbook]

http://www.thekitchn.com/look-baked-hot-chocolate-165183

Tuesday, January 24, 2012

'How the U.S. Lost Out on iPhone Work'

New York Times - iEconomy

Poor pay, poor working conditions - all in the name of innovation and profit.

David Barboza, Peter Lattman and Catherine Rampell contributed reporting.


When Barack Obama joined Silicon Valley’s top luminaries for dinner in California last February, each guest was asked to come with a question for the president.

But as Steven P. Jobs of Apple spoke, President Obama interrupted with an inquiry of his own: what would it take to make iPhones in the United States?

Not long ago, Apple boasted that its products were made in America. Today, few are. Almost all of the 70 million iPhones, 30 million iPads and 59 million other products Apple sold last year were manufactured overseas.

Why can’t that work come home? Mr. Obama asked.

Mr. Jobs’s reply was unambiguous. “Those jobs aren’t coming back,” he said, according to another dinner guest.

The president’s question touched upon a central conviction at Apple. It isn’t just that workers are cheaper abroad. Rather, Apple’s executives believe the vast scale of overseas factories as well as the flexibility, diligence and industrial skills of foreign workers have so outpaced their American counterparts that “Made in the U.S.A.” is no longer a viable option for most Apple products.

Apple has become one of the best-known, most admired and most imitated companies on earth, in part through an unrelenting mastery of global operations. Last year, it earned over $400,000 in profit per employee, more than Goldman Sachs, Exxon Mobil or Google.

However, what has vexed Mr. Obama as well as economists and policy makers is that Apple — and many of its high-technology peers — are not nearly as avid in creating American jobs as other famous companies were in their heydays.

Apple employs 43,000 people in the United States and 20,000 overseas, a small fraction of the over 400,000 American workers at General Motors in the 1950s, or the hundreds of thousands at General Electric in the 1980s. Many more people work for Apple’s contractors: an additional 700,000 people engineer, build and assemble iPads, iPhones and Apple’s other products. But almost none of them work in the United States. Instead, they work for foreign companies in Asia, Europe and elsewhere, at factories that almost all electronics designers rely upon to build their wares.

“Apple’s an example of why it’s so hard to create middle-class jobs in the U.S. now,” said Jared Bernstein, who until last year was an economic adviser to the White House.

“If it’s the pinnacle of capitalism, we should be worried.”

Apple executives say that going overseas, at this point, is their only option. One former executive described how the company relied upon a Chinese factory to revamp iPhone manufacturing just weeks before the device was due on shelves. Apple had redesigned the iPhone’s screen at the last minute, forcing an assembly line overhaul. New screens began arriving at the plant near midnight.

A foreman immediately roused 8,000 workers inside the company’s dormitories, according to the executive. Each employee was given a biscuit and a cup of tea, guided to a workstation and within half an hour started a 12-hour shift fitting glass screens into beveled frames. Within 96 hours, the plant was producing over 10,000 iPhones a day.

“The speed and flexibility is breathtaking,” the executive said. “There’s no American plant that can match that.”

Similar stories could be told about almost any electronics company — and outsourcing has also become common in hundreds of industries, including accounting, legal services, banking, auto manufacturing and pharmaceuticals.

But while Apple is far from alone, it offers a window into why the success of some prominent companies has not translated into large numbers of domestic jobs. What’s more, the company’s decisions pose broader questions about what corporate America owes Americans as the global and national economies are increasingly intertwined.

“Companies once felt an obligation to support American workers, even when it wasn’t the best financial choice,” said Betsey Stevenson, the chief economist at the Labor Department until last September. “That’s disappeared. Profits and efficiency have trumped generosity.”

Companies and other economists say that notion is naïve. Though Americans are among the most educated workers in the world, the nation has stopped training enough people in the mid-level skills that factories need, executives say.

To thrive, companies argue they need to move work where it can generate enough profits to keep paying for innovation. Doing otherwise risks losing even more American jobs over time, as evidenced by the legions of once-proud domestic manufacturers — including G.M. and others — that have shrunk as nimble competitors have emerged.

Apple was provided with extensive summaries of The New York Times’s reporting for this article, but the company, which has a reputation for secrecy, declined to comment.

This article is based on interviews with more than three dozen current and former Apple employees and contractors — many of whom requested anonymity to protect their jobs — as well as economists, manufacturing experts, international trade specialists, technology analysts, academic researchers, employees at Apple’s suppliers, competitors and corporate partners, and government officials.

Privately, Apple executives say the world is now such a changed place that it is a mistake to measure a company’s contribution simply by tallying its employees — though they note that Apple employs more workers in the United States than ever before.

They say Apple’s success has benefited the economy by empowering entrepreneurs and creating jobs at companies like cellular providers and businesses shipping Apple products. And, ultimately, they say curing unemployment is not their job.

“We sell iPhones in over a hundred countries,” a current Apple executive said. “We don’t have an obligation to solve America’s problems. Our only obligation is making the best product possible.”

‘I Want a Glass Screen’

In 2007, a little over a month before the iPhone was scheduled to appear in stores, Mr. Jobs beckoned a handful of lieutenants into an office. For weeks, he had been carrying a prototype of the device in his pocket.

Mr. Jobs angrily held up his iPhone, angling it so everyone could see the dozens of tiny scratches marring its plastic screen, according to someone who attended the meeting. He then pulled his keys from his jeans.

People will carry this phone in their pocket, he said. People also carry their keys in their pocket. “I won’t sell a product that gets scratched,” he said tensely. The only solution was using unscratchable glass instead. “I want a glass screen, and I want it perfect in six weeks.”

After one executive left that meeting, he booked a flight to Shenzhen, China. If Mr. Jobs wanted perfect, there was nowhere else to go.

For over two years, the company had been working on a project — code-named Purple 2 — that presented the same questions at every turn: how do you completely reimagine the cellphone? And how do you design it at the highest quality — with an unscratchable screen, for instance — while also ensuring that millions can be manufactured quickly and inexpensively enough to earn a significant profit?

The answers, almost every time, were found outside the United States. Though components differ between versions, all iPhones contain hundreds of parts, an estimated 90 percent of which are manufactured abroad. Advanced semiconductors have come from Germany and Taiwan, memory from Korea and Japan, display panels and circuitry from Korea and Taiwan, chipsets from Europe and rare metals from Africa and Asia. And all of it is put together in China.

In its early days, Apple usually didn’t look beyond its own backyard for manufacturing solutions. A few years after Apple began building the Macintosh in 1983, for instance, Mr. Jobs bragged that it was “a machine that is made in America.” In 1990, while Mr. Jobs was running NeXT, which was eventually bought by Apple, the executive told a reporter that “I’m as proud of the factory as I am of the computer.” As late as 2002, top Apple executives occasionally drove two hours northeast of their headquarters to visit the company’s iMac plant in Elk Grove, Calif.

But by 2004, Apple had largely turned to foreign manufacturing. Guiding that decision was Apple’s operations expert, Timothy D. Cook, who replaced Mr. Jobs as chief executive last August, six weeks before Mr. Jobs’s death. Most other American electronics companies had already gone abroad, and Apple, which at the time was struggling, felt it had to grasp every advantage.

In part, Asia was attractive because the semiskilled workers there were cheaper. But that wasn’t driving Apple. For technology companies, the cost of labor is minimal compared with the expense of buying parts and managing supply chains that bring together components and services from hundreds of companies.

For Mr. Cook, the focus on Asia “came down to two things,” said one former high-ranking Apple executive. Factories in Asia “can scale up and down faster” and “Asian supply chains have surpassed what’s in the U.S.” The result is that “we can’t compete at this point,” the executive said.

The impact of such advantages became obvious as soon as Mr. Jobs demanded glass screens in 2007.

For years, cellphone makers had avoided using glass because it required precision in cutting and grinding that was extremely difficult to achieve. Apple had already selected an American company, Corning Inc., to manufacture large panes of strengthened glass. But figuring out how to cut those panes into millions of iPhone screens required finding an empty cutting plant, hundreds of pieces of glass to use in experiments and an army of midlevel engineers. It would cost a fortune simply to prepare.

Then a bid for the work arrived from a Chinese factory.

When an Apple team visited, the Chinese plant’s owners were already constructing a new wing. “This is in case you give us the contract,” the manager said, according to a former Apple executive. The Chinese government had agreed to underwrite costs for numerous industries, and those subsidies had trickled down to the glass-cutting factory. It had a warehouse filled with glass samples available to Apple, free of charge. The owners made engineers available at almost no cost. They had built on-site dormitories so employees would be available 24 hours a day.

The Chinese plant got the job.

“The entire supply chain is in China now,” said another former high-ranking Apple executive. “You need a thousand rubber gaskets? That’s the factory next door. You need a million screws? That factory is a block away. You need that screw made a little bit different? It will take three hours.”

In Foxconn City

An eight-hour drive from that glass factory is a complex, known informally as Foxconn City, where the iPhone is assembled. To Apple executives, Foxconn City was further evidence that China could deliver workers — and diligence — that outpaced their American counterparts.

That’s because nothing like Foxconn City exists in the United States.

The facility has 230,000 employees, many working six days a week, often spending up to 12 hours a day at the plant. Over a quarter of Foxconn’s work force lives in company barracks and many workers earn less than $17 a day. When one Apple executive arrived during a shift change, his car was stuck in a river of employees streaming past. “The scale is unimaginable,” he said.

Foxconn employs nearly 300 guards to direct foot traffic so workers are not crushed in doorway bottlenecks. The facility’s central kitchen cooks an average of three tons of pork and 13 tons of rice a day. While factories are spotless, the air inside nearby teahouses is hazy with the smoke and stench of cigarettes.

Foxconn Technology has dozens of facilities in Asia and Eastern Europe, and in Mexico and Brazil, and it assembles an estimated 40 percent of the world’s consumer electronics for customers like Amazon, Dell, Hewlett-Packard, Motorola, Nintendo, Nokia, Samsung and Sony.

“They could hire 3,000 people overnight,” said Jennifer Rigoni, who was Apple’s worldwide supply demand manager until 2010, but declined to discuss specifics of her work. “What U.S. plant can find 3,000 people overnight and convince them to live in dorms?”

In mid-2007, after a month of experimentation, Apple’s engineers finally perfected a method for cutting strengthened glass so it could be used in the iPhone’s screen. The first truckloads of cut glass arrived at Foxconn City in the dead of night, according to the former Apple executive. That’s when managers woke thousands of workers, who crawled into their uniforms — white and black shirts for men, red for women — and quickly lined up to assemble, by hand, the phones. Within three months, Apple had sold one million iPhones. Since then, Foxconn has assembled over 200 million more.

Foxconn, in statements, declined to speak about specific clients.

“Any worker recruited by our firm is covered by a clear contract outlining terms and conditions and by Chinese government law that protects their rights,” the company wrote. Foxconn “takes our responsibility to our employees very seriously and we work hard to give our more than one million employees a safe and positive environment.”

The company disputed some details of the former Apple executive’s account, and wrote that a midnight shift, such as the one described, was impossible “because we have strict regulations regarding the working hours of our employees based on their designated shifts, and every employee has computerized timecards that would bar them from working at any facility at a time outside of their approved shift.” The company said that all shifts began at either 7 a.m. or 7 p.m., and that employees receive at least 12 hours’ notice of any schedule changes.

Foxconn employees, in interviews, have challenged those assertions.

Another critical advantage for Apple was that China provided engineers at a scale the United States could not match. Apple’s executives had estimated that about 8,700 industrial engineers were needed to oversee and guide the 200,000 assembly-line workers eventually involved in manufacturing iPhones. The company’s analysts had forecast it would take as long as nine months to find that many qualified engineers in the United States.

In China, it took 15 days.

Companies like Apple “say the challenge in setting up U.S. plants is finding a technical work force,” said Martin Schmidt, associate provost at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In particular, companies say they need engineers with more than high school, but not necessarily a bachelor’s degree. Americans at that skill level are hard to find, executives contend. “They’re good jobs, but the country doesn’t have enough to feed the demand,” Mr. Schmidt said.

Some aspects of the iPhone are uniquely American. The device’s software, for instance, and its innovative marketing campaigns were largely created in the United States. Apple recently built a $500 million data center in North Carolina. Crucial semiconductors inside the iPhone 4 and 4S are manufactured in an Austin, Tex., factory by Samsung, of South Korea.

But even those facilities are not enormous sources of jobs. Apple’s North Carolina center, for instance, has only 100 full-time employees. The Samsung plant has an estimated 2,400 workers.

“If you scale up from selling one million phones to 30 million phones, you don’t really need more programmers,” said Jean-Louis Gassée, who oversaw product development and marketing for Apple until he left in 1990. “All these new companies — Facebook, Google, Twitter — benefit from this. They grow, but they don’t really need to hire much.”

It is hard to estimate how much more it would cost to build iPhones in the United States. However, various academics and manufacturing analysts estimate that because labor is such a small part of technology manufacturing, paying American wages would add up to $65 to each iPhone’s expense. Since Apple’s profits are often hundreds of dollars per phone, building domestically, in theory, would still give the company a healthy reward.

But such calculations are, in many respects, meaningless because building the iPhone in the United States would demand much more than hiring Americans — it would require transforming the national and global economies. Apple executives believe there simply aren’t enough American workers with the skills the company needs or factories with sufficient speed and flexibility. Other companies that work with Apple, like Corning, also say they must go abroad.

Manufacturing glass for the iPhone revived a Corning factory in Kentucky, and today, much of the glass in iPhones is still made there. After the iPhone became a success, Corning received a flood of orders from other companies hoping to imitate Apple’s designs. Its strengthened glass sales have grown to more than $700 million a year, and it has hired or continued employing about 1,000 Americans to support the emerging market.

But as that market has expanded, the bulk of Corning’s strengthened glass manufacturing has occurred at plants in Japan and Taiwan.

“Our customers are in Taiwan, Korea, Japan and China,” said James B. Flaws, Corning’s vice chairman and chief financial officer. “We could make the glass here, and then ship it by boat, but that takes 35 days. Or, we could ship it by air, but that’s 10 times as expensive. So we build our glass factories next door to assembly factories, and those are overseas.”

Corning was founded in America 161 years ago and its headquarters are still in upstate New York. Theoretically, the company could manufacture all its glass domestically. But it would “require a total overhaul in how the industry is structured,” Mr. Flaws said. “The consumer electronics business has become an Asian business. As an American, I worry about that, but there’s nothing I can do to stop it. Asia has become what the U.S. was for the last 40 years.”

Middle-Class Jobs Fade

The first time Eric Saragoza stepped into Apple’s manufacturing plant in Elk Grove, Calif., he felt as if he were entering an engineering wonderland.

It was 1995, and the facility near Sacramento employed more than 1,500 workers. It was a kaleidoscope of robotic arms, conveyor belts ferrying circuit boards and, eventually, candy-colored iMacs in various stages of assembly. Mr. Saragoza, an engineer, quickly moved up the plant’s ranks and joined an elite diagnostic team. His salary climbed to $50,000. He and his wife had three children. They bought a home with a pool.

“It felt like, finally, school was paying off,” he said. “I knew the world needed people who can build things.”

At the same time, however, the electronics industry was changing, and Apple — with products that were declining in popularity — was struggling to remake itself. One focus was improving manufacturing. A few years after Mr. Saragoza started his job, his bosses explained how the California plant stacked up against overseas factories: the cost, excluding the materials, of building a $1,500 computer in Elk Grove was $22 a machine. In Singapore, it was $6. In Taiwan, $4.85. Wages weren’t the major reason for the disparities. Rather it was costs like inventory and how long it took workers to finish a task.

“We were told we would have to do 12-hour days, and come in on Saturdays,” Mr. Saragoza said. “I had a family. I wanted to see my kids play soccer.”

Modernization has always caused some kinds of jobs to change or disappear. As the American economy transitioned from agriculture to manufacturing and then to other industries, farmers became steelworkers, and then salesmen and middle managers. These shifts have carried many economic benefits, and in general, with each progression, even unskilled workers received better wages and greater chances at upward mobility.

But in the last two decades, something more fundamental has changed, economists say. Midwage jobs started disappearing. Particularly among Americans without college degrees, today’s new jobs are disproportionately in service occupations — at restaurants or call centers, or as hospital attendants or temporary workers — that offer fewer opportunities for reaching the middle class.

Even Mr. Saragoza, with his college degree, was vulnerable to these trends. First, some of Elk Grove’s routine tasks were sent overseas. Mr. Saragoza didn’t mind. Then the robotics that made Apple a futuristic playground allowed executives to replace workers with machines. Some diagnostic engineering went to Singapore. Middle managers who oversaw the plant’s inventory were laid off because, suddenly, a few people with Internet connections were all that were needed.

Mr. Saragoza was too expensive for an unskilled position. He was also insufficiently credentialed for upper management. He was called into a small office in 2002 after a night shift, laid off and then escorted from the plant. He taught high school for a while, and then tried a return to technology. But Apple, which had helped anoint the region as “Silicon Valley North,” had by then converted much of the Elk Grove plant into an AppleCare call center, where new employees often earn $12 an hour.

There were employment prospects in Silicon Valley, but none of them panned out. “What they really want are 30-year-olds without children,” said Mr. Saragoza, who today is 48, and whose family now includes five of his own.

After a few months of looking for work, he started feeling desperate. Even teaching jobs had dried up. So he took a position with an electronics temp agency that had been hired by Apple to check returned iPhones and iPads before they were sent back to customers. Every day, Mr. Saragoza would drive to the building where he had once worked as an engineer, and for $10 an hour with no benefits, wipe thousands of glass screens and test audio ports by plugging in headphones.

Paydays for Apple

As Apple’s overseas operations and sales have expanded, its top employees have thrived. Last fiscal year, Apple’s revenue topped $108 billion, a sum larger than the combined state budgets of Michigan, New Jersey and Massachusetts. Since 2005, when the company’s stock split, share prices have risen from about $45 to more than $427.

Some of that wealth has gone to shareholders. Apple is among the most widely held stocks, and the rising share price has benefited millions of individual investors, 401(k)’s and pension plans. The bounty has also enriched Apple workers. Last fiscal year, in addition to their salaries, Apple’s employees and directors received stock worth $2 billion and exercised or vested stock and options worth an added $1.4 billion.

The biggest rewards, however, have often gone to Apple’s top employees. Mr. Cook, Apple’s chief, last year received stock grants — which vest over a 10-year period — that, at today’s share price, would be worth $427 million, and his salary was raised to $1.4 million. In 2010, Mr. Cook’s compensation package was valued at $59 million, according to Apple’s security filings.

A person close to Apple argued that the compensation received by Apple’s employees was fair, in part because the company had brought so much value to the nation and world. As the company has grown, it has expanded its domestic work force, including manufacturing jobs. Last year, Apple’s American work force grew by 8,000 people.

While other companies have sent call centers abroad, Apple has kept its centers in the United States. One source estimated that sales of Apple’s products have caused other companies to hire tens of thousands of Americans. FedEx and United Parcel Service, for instance, both say they have created American jobs because of the volume of Apple’s shipments, though neither would provide specific figures without permission from Apple, which the company declined to provide.

“We shouldn’t be criticized for using Chinese workers,” a current Apple executive said. “The U.S. has stopped producing people with the skills we need.”

What’s more, Apple sources say the company has created plenty of good American jobs inside its retail stores and among entrepreneurs selling iPhone and iPad applications.

After two months of testing iPads, Mr. Saragoza quit. The pay was so low that he was better off, he figured, spending those hours applying for other jobs. On a recent October evening, while Mr. Saragoza sat at his MacBook and submitted another round of résumés online, halfway around the world a woman arrived at her office. The worker, Lina Lin, is a project manager in Shenzhen, China, at PCH International, which contracts with Apple and other electronics companies to coordinate production of accessories, like the cases that protect the iPad’s glass screens. She is not an Apple employee. But Mrs. Lin is integral to Apple’s ability to deliver its products.

Mrs. Lin earns a bit less than what Mr. Saragoza was paid by Apple. She speaks fluent English, learned from watching television and in a Chinese university. She and her husband put a quarter of their salaries in the bank every month. They live in a 1,080-square-foot apartment, which they share with their in-laws and son.

“There are lots of jobs,” Mrs. Lin said. “Especially in Shenzhen.”

Innovation’s Losers

Toward the end of Mr. Obama’s dinner last year with Mr. Jobs and other Silicon Valley executives, as everyone stood to leave, a crowd of photo seekers formed around the president. A slightly smaller scrum gathered around Mr. Jobs. Rumors had spread that his illness had worsened, and some hoped for a photograph with him, perhaps for the last time.

Eventually, the orbits of the men overlapped. “I’m not worried about the country’s long-term future,” Mr. Jobs told Mr. Obama, according to one observer. “This country is insanely great. What I’m worried about is that we don’t talk enough about solutions.”

At dinner, for instance, the executives had suggested that the government should reform visa programs to help companies hire foreign engineers. Some had urged the president to give companies a “tax holiday” so they could bring back overseas profits which, they argued, would be used to create work. Mr. Jobs even suggested it might be possible, someday, to locate some of Apple’s skilled manufacturing in the United States if the government helped train more American engineers.

Economists debate the usefulness of those and other efforts, and note that a struggling economy is sometimes transformed by unexpected developments. The last time analysts wrung their hands about prolonged American unemployment, for instance, in the early 1980s, the Internet hardly existed. Few at the time would have guessed that a degree in graphic design was rapidly becoming a smart bet, while studying telephone repair a dead end.

What remains unknown, however, is whether the United States will be able to leverage tomorrow’s innovations into millions of jobs.

In the last decade, technological leaps in solar and wind energy, semiconductor fabrication and display technologies have created thousands of jobs. But while many of those industries started in America, much of the employment has occurred abroad. Companies have closed major facilities in the United States to reopen in China. By way of explanation, executives say they are competing with Apple for shareholders. If they cannot rival Apple’s growth and profit margins, they won’t survive.

“New middle-class jobs will eventually emerge,” said Lawrence Katz, a Harvard economist. “But will someone in his 40s have the skills for them? Or will he be bypassed for a new graduate and never find his way back into the middle class?”

The pace of innovation, say executives from a variety of industries, has been quickened by businessmen like Mr. Jobs. G.M. went as long as half a decade between major automobile redesigns. Apple, by comparison, has released five iPhones in four years, doubling the devices’ speed and memory while dropping the price that some consumers pay.

Before Mr. Obama and Mr. Jobs said goodbye, the Apple executive pulled an iPhone from his pocket to show off a new application — a driving game — with incredibly detailed graphics. The device reflected the soft glow of the room’s lights. The other executives, whose combined worth exceeded $69 billion, jostled for position to glance over his shoulder. The game, everyone agreed, was wonderful.

There wasn’t even a tiny scratch on the screen.


This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: January 24, 2012

An article on Sunday about the reasons iPhones are largely produced overseas omitted a passage immediately after the second continuation, from Page A22 to Page A23, in one edition. The full passage should have read: “Another critical advantage for Apple was that China provided engineers at a scale the United States could not match. Apple’s executives had estimated that about 8,700 industrial engineers were needed to oversee and guide the 200,000 assembly-line workers eventually involved in manufacturing iPhones. The company’s analysts had forecast it would take as long as nine months to find that many qualified engineers in the United States.”