Tuesday, July 29, 2014

From the Guardian - a Palestinian's diary

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jul/28/four-days-under-siege-gaza-diary-palestinian

Life under fire in Gaza: the diary of a Palestinian

What's it like for families struggling to survive in Gaza? A Palestinian author describes the overcrowding and shortages, the horror of seeing familiar places reduced to rubble – and the constant fear of death

Atef Abu Saif

Beit Hanoun during ceasefire
Two Palestinians among the rubble in Beit Hanoun during the ceasefire on 26 July. Photograph: Mohammed Abed/AFP/Getty Images

Wednesday 23 July 2014

Yesterday evening, my sister-in-law, Huda, her son and three daughters had to move to the place where we are staying, in Jabalia Camp. They usually live to the south of Gaza City, in an area called Tal al Hawa, its southernmost tip. For the past five days, tanks have bombarded the area. In one of these attacks, large chunks of debris from a house nearby flew in through the windows; half of another house inside Huda’s house.
My sister-in-law says they are used to this kind of thing. In the 2008-9 war, half the house collapsed when a rocket made a direct hit, entering horizontally through the lounge window. Her husband, Hatim, has refused to come with her to Jabalia this time, however. Nobody remains on their street but him. Over the past couple of years, he has developed a passion for keeping birds. He has converted one room in his house into an aviary, in which he raises around 50 different kinds of birds, including hummingbirds, pigeons and sparrows. He prefers to stay and take care of his birds – who else will look after them?
Now there are 14 of us living in my father-in-law’s house. The house consists of just two rooms. This morning, there is a long queue for the bathroom. Once inside, you hear nothing but the calls of those queuing, encouraging you to finish as fast as you can.
Over the past week, most houses have started to face water shortages. My father spends most of his day watching the level in his water tank, obsessively. The other day he had to carry water in bottles from the neighbours’ tank. He himself is hosting two extra families inside his little house – that of my sister with her 12 family members, and that of his uncle with his five family members – as well as the family of my brother, Ibrahim.
Queues are everywhere now. A few days ago, we were living a normal life – waking at 8am, washing our faces, brushing our teeth, having breakfast, starting our days and whatever our daily routines entailed. Now we have to abandon those routines and live according to each and every moment.
Palestinian children
 Palestinian children at a shop where their family is taking shelter in Gaza City. Photograph: Mohammed Abed/AFP/Getty Images
Life is getting complicated. You wish that you were simpler and could accept things more easily. My little girl, Jaffa, who is 19 months old, was utterly terrified in the first week of the war. We couldn’t bring ourselves to explain what the sounds of the explosions were, but she could easily understand the fear written on our faces when we heard each one. After a week, we started to tell her that these were the sounds of a door being closed quickly by Naem, her older brother. Jaffa accepted this and started to adapt to the situation. She even played with the idea. When hearing each explosion, she now shouts, “The dooooooor!”, and then calls out to Naem to stop slamming it. In Jaffa’s logic, someone is slamming a door to keep us all imprisoned in this situation. Each door slam is a door slammed shut on the opportunity for peace. Each cry from Jaffa to her brother Naem to stop shutting the door is fruitless.

Thursday 24 July

The worst thing is when you realise that you no longer understand what is going on. Throughout the night, the tanks, drones, F16 fighter jets and warships haven’t let up for a minute. The explosions are constant, always sounding as if they’re just next door. Sometimes you’re convinced that they’re in your very room, that you’ve finally been hit. Then you realise, it’s another miss. My mobile has a flat battery, so I’m unable to listen to the news. Instead, I lie in the dark and guess what’s going on, make up my own analysis.
In time, you start to distinguish between the different types of attack. By far the easiest distinction you learn to make is between an air attack, a tank attack, and an attack from the sea. The shells coming in from the sea are the largest in size, and the boom they make much deeper than anything else you hear. It’s an all-engulfing, all-encompassing sound: you feel as if the ground itself is being swallowed up. Tank rockets, by comparison, give off a much hollower sound. Their explosions leave more of an echo in the air, but you don’t feel it so much from beneath. A rocket dropped from an F16 produces an unmistakable, brilliant white light, as well as a long reverberation. A bomb from an F16 makes the whole street dance a little, sway for a good 30 seconds or so. You feel you might have to jump out of the window any minute, to escape the collapse. Different from all these, though, is the rocket you get from a drone. This rocket seems to have more personality – it projects a sharp yellow light up in to the sky. A few seconds before a drone strike, this bright light spreads over the sky, as if the rocket is telling us: it’s dinner time, time to feast.
F16 jet
 A F16 jet releases a flare as it files over Gaza City. Photograph: Mohammed Saber/PA
These are just impressions, of course. But when you sit each night in your living room waiting for death to not knock at your door, or send you a text message, telling you, “Death’s coming in one minute’s time,” when you are unable to answer the one question your kids need an answer to (“When is it going to end, Dad?”), when you struggle to summon the strength you need each day, just to get through that day … in these situations, which are, of course, all the same situation, what else can you do, but form “impressions”.
War teaches you how to adapt to its logic, but it doesn’t share its biggest secret, of course: how to survive it. For instance, whenever there’s a war on, you have to leave your windows half-open, so the pressure from the blasts doesn’t blow them out. To be even safer, you should cover every pane with adhesive tape, so that when it does break, the shards don’t fly indoors, or fall on people in the street below. It goes without saying you should never sleep anywhere near a window. The best place to sleep, people say, is near the stairs, preferably under them. The shell that fell two nights ago landed 150 metres away, smack in the middle of the Jabalia cemetery. The dead do not fight wars, but on this occasion they were forced to participate in the suffering of the living. The next morning dirty, grey bones lay scattered about the broken gravestones.

Friday 25 July

I only realise it’s a Friday when the prayers from the mosque start up. In a war, days no longer matter. Everything is tied to its rhythm, its discourse, its sounds and silences.
This morning I decide to go into Gaza City to see the centre. A young man is driving a horse and cart carrying mattresses and pillows, which presumably he plucked from the ruins of his house, in the direction of some shelter, in one of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) schools, I imagine. The man calls out to another on the street: “What day of Ramadan is it?” “The 27th,” comes his reply. This means that Eid is just three or four days from today. Normally, by this point, we would already be preparing for the celebrations. Every corner of the city would be strung with lights; shops would be open day and night, heaving with all the latest must-haves – mostly beautiful clothes that we ought to be wearing for Eid. Eid has its own smell and taste, you can’t mistake it.
But not this year. Now, everything is closed. All I can see is debris, collapsed buildings, huge ugly gaps where buildings used to be, ruins. Rubble is the only permanent image I have when I close my eyes.
Women, babies, old men, young boys and girls – all start to move slowly down in Unknown Soldier’s Square. They’re beginning to wake up; a few are still stretched out, asleep on the pieces of cardboard or material they’ve brought with them – few are lucky enough to have mattresses – and which they’ve spread out over the square’s gardens to spend the night on. This was the safest they could do in terms of refuge: the open air. The UNRWA schools, acting as refugee camps across Gaza, have been full for more than a week. The horrors these people have seen, the death they’ve been forced to taste back home, has been enough to make them drop everything and spend the night exposed like this: either in the Unknown Soldier’s gardens, or on the triangular-shaped patch of grass in the middle of Omar al Mokhtar Street, opposite the Palestinian Legislative Council. These gardens normally represent glamorous parts of the city; they are surrounded by expensive shops, the best restaurants. Now the gardens have become just another refugee camp. As I walk through them, I see that the fountains, at least, are providing a distraction for some of the boys now camped among them – they’re making the most of the cold water, stripping off and reclaiming the fountains as swimming pools, determined to make a little paradise of their own in this hell.
Suddenly an F16 breaks the sound barrier above us, rattling the square with its sonic boom. All necks crane as we scan the sky for a glimpse of where the rocket might land. A few seconds later we hear it: the F16 has taken its meal somewhere in Al Rimal neighbourhood. Like everyone else in the street, I run to the safest possible place: the centre of the street. On such occasions, you learn to keep away from any buildings still intact. I run along the centre of the street, along with everyone else, towards the ruins of the Al Isra Tower, which was hit a week ago and in which many families died. This was one of first tall buildings to be built in Gaza after the peace accords of 1994. Architecturally, it was quite impressive. Now it’s just a hill of rubble; no reason for a rocket to strike here. Back in Jabalia, my wife Hanna is fighting with the children over whether they should be allowed to go outside. They want to see the street and breathe the outside air. Even when they try to stand at the window, to look out over at the refugee-filled school across the street, Hanna snatches them back. My boy, Mostafa, wants to go my father’s house, to play with his cousins there. “No is no,” Hanna insists. They look at me pleadingly. I suggest that I take them with me this evening. What Hanna does not know, and I keep a secret from her, is that when I take the kids to my father’s place, which is just four minutes’ walk, the kids spend most of their time in the internet cafes next door, playing computer games.
Every day I quarrel with Hanna about this. In the end, I take the kids for a few hours before bringing them back. Every minute of our walk there we are at risk. Every step we take is another risk. As I hurry towards my father’s place, holding their hands, I pray the unthinkable doesn’t happen.

Saturday 26 July

Palestinians greet each other
 Palestinians greet each other amid the rubble of destroyed buildings and homes in Gaza City. Photograph: Sameh Rahmi/NurPhoto/Corbis
It has now been 40 hours with no electricity. The water was also cut off yesterday. Electricity is a constant issue in Gaza. Since the Strip’s only power station was bombed in 2008, Gazans have had at best 12 hours of electricity a day. These 12 hours could be during the day, or while you are fast asleep; it’s impossible to predict. Complaining about it gets you nowhere. For three weeks we’ve barely had two or three hours a day. And right now, we would be happy with just one.
These blackouts affect every part of your life. Your day revolves around that precious moment the power comes back on. You have to make the most of every last second of it. First, you charge every piece of equipment that has a battery: your mobile, laptop, torches, radio, etc. Second, you try not to use any equipment while it’s being charged – to make the most of that charge. Next you have to make some hard decisions about which phone calls to take, which emails or messages to reply to. Even when you make a call, you have to stop yourself from straying into any “normal” areas of conversation – they’re a waste of power.
On Friday night, my friend Hisham, who works at Beit Hanoun Hospital, phoned to say that they had been bombed. Shells struck the x-ray room and the operating theatre. People, patients, doctors, and nurses were all terrified. Hisham’s three-minute description of the chaos was concluded with the insistence that some kind of intervention from the Red Cross or the UN must come. Hundreds of families were camping out in the gardens of the hospital, having nowhere else to go. I phoned Palestine TV and told them that people were trapped in Beit Hanoun Hospital and that they should make a plea to the Red Cross and UN. I was at my friend Husain’s place at the time with another friend, Abu Aseel, smoking nargila in the darkness. It was nearly midnight on the Friday, so I headed off towards my place.
There were several UNRWA schools-turned-refugee camps on my way home. I visited the second of them, where my friend Ali Kamal, who works as a teacher there, is part of the team taking care of the displaced people. In the administration room, Kamal was wearing a UN bulletproof vest. We sat outside, in front of the school, and he told me that the school is hosting some 2,450 persons, equating to 430 families. They serve each family one proper meal a day, plus a few biscuits. As we talked, I stared at the queue of people on one side, waiting to receive blankets from a window, and at another queue on the other, waiting to receive food. Kamal works a 24-hour shift, then goes home for 24 hours, before returning.
One of the school’s refugees, from the Ghabin family, went out yesterday afternoon to see his house and check on his animals in the field behind it. He was shot by a tank. His family and relatives organised a funeral for him inside the school. Sad faces, bitter eyes, terrible silences all under this metal ceiling – one that used to hang over a sports room where boys played, now a place for tributes and condolences.
Before I left, at around 2am on Saturday morning, news spread through the school that there would be a 12-hour humanitarian truce starting at 8am. You always greet talk of truces and ceasefires with a degree of scepticism. But in the school, everyone responded to it optimistically, planning their return to their homes and farms.
In the morning, the first question I ask when I open my eyes is: is there a truce? Hanna nods. This time she doesn’t mind if the children go to my father’s place, to play in the internet cafe. She is happy that finally, for 12 hours at least, they can move about. She is happy for herself, too. For the past hour she has been trying to decide where to go. I decide to go and see the damage in Shujaia, with my friends Aed and Salem.
Looking at the rubble where his house once stood, a man says: “This is not a war. This is the beginning of doomsday.” So much of this neighbourhood has been destroyed that, further down the street, another man cannot actually work out which bit of it had been his. The whole street is just rubble: stone, metal, bricks, piles of sand. Large strips of tarmac twist out of the sand suggesting where the street might have been. But there is no real definition to the street, no limits or boundaries between any of the houses either.
Man carries cushions
 A man carries cushions he found in the rubble of destroyed buildings in Shujai'iya. Photograph: Marco Longari/AFP/Getty Images
People’s homes now merge and weave together all over Gaza, like threads in a woollen scarf, knitted together by an old woman. Different colours, different materials, different styles. One of the men picking through the chaos, starts to scream: “This is 60 years of my family’s savings!” This is what I see as I drive with Aed and Saleem towards Shujai’iya. Baghdad Street – one of Shujai’iya’s main streets, running from the entrance to the quarter through towards the start of Gaza City to the east – is the main site of destruction. Baghdad Street, ironically enough, looks not unlike the scenes left behind by the American and British armies after the 2003 war.
A dozen or so cows have been killed near a farm on the edge of the neighbourhood. Even cows have failed to escape this war. Each one lies on its side; its tongue lolling out of its mouth, its belly starting to inflate with decay. One cow seems to be be split cleanly in half. We’re delighted, eventually, to see that one cow is still alive. It’s standing in a small square of rubble – presumably the remains of what was its barn – and we approach it carefully. It keeps its face close to the one remaining part of a wall; it looks pale and appears to have a leg wound. As we get near it limps away, clearly in pain, but too scared to let us help it.
Old women sit helplessly in the debris of their homes. A few kids can be seen searching for toys. Ambulances and medical teams work through the day to find people still alive under these ruins. Today, some 151 corpses have been found in this rubble. Some of them have started to decay already. You can smell the dead bodies on every corner of Shujai’iya. One of the corpses found was of a women: she had been carrying both her children, one in each arm, when the tank shell hit her home. It seems she was simply trying to protect them. She held them tight to her chest, and despite the weight of the masonry she never let go. What they found under all that concrete was like a still life, apparently, a photograph, a perfect composition. Abu Noor, my neighbour, was busy with his family helping to look through the rubble of a building in which six members of a family were killed. A child’s corpse was still missing. Everyone was desperate to find trace of the body. Abu Noor finally touched flesh. Something that to him felt like the body of the child. He screamed out, calling everyone around him to help him lift the stones. He managed to get a firm hold on a limb and dragged it slowly to the surface. It was a leg of a man. Whose leg? Nobody knows.
The truce is meant to be for 12 hours, running 8am until 8pm. We remain in Shujai’iya until 4pm, moving from one street to the next, trying to process the damage, and help as much as we can in the removal of debris. A man calls us over to the side of the street, as we start to drive east, warning that there are tanks just a few hundred yards away. He says if they see the car we’ll be a target. We have to turn back.
In Beit Hanoun and Khoza’a the scenes are no better. The tanks start shooting at people again at 5pm, three hours before the truce in Beit Hanoun was supposed to end. In Khoza’a, people are not allowed to visit the debris of their homes. Everyone looks at his watch to see how much time there is left.
Despite everything – the killing, the destruction, the missing people, the displaced people, the tears, the wounds, the suffering – for these 12 hours of truce, I see Gaza as it used to be. People in their thousands on the street, buying food, moving from one place to another; the shops open, kids playing in the streets. It is a city that has poured itself out into a few moments of peace. Now the truce is coming to an end. The tank mortars have started to roar again, filling the air with their terror.
Atef Abu Saif is a Palestinian author who lives in Gaza.

Monday, July 28, 2014

Open letter from Dr Mads Gilbert

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/israelgaza-conflict-doctor-mads-gilbert-evokes-conditions-in-a-gaza-hospital-9617586.html

Israel-Gaza conflict: Doctor Mads Gilbert evokes conditions in a Gaza hospital

Eyewitness: ‘My respect for the wounded is endless, their determination amid pain’

 
OPEN LETTER
 


The heroes in the ambulances and in all of Gaza’s hospitals are working 12 to 24‑hour shifts, grey from fatigue and inhuman workloads (without payment in Shifa for the last four months). They care, triage, try to understand the incomprehensible chaos of bodies, sizes, limbs, walking, not walking, breathing, not breathing, bleeding, not bleeding humans. Humans!

Now, once more treated like animals by “the most moral army in the world” [sic!].
My respect for the wounded is endless, in their contained determination in the midst of pain, agony and shock; my admiration for the staff and volunteers is endless. My closeness to the Palestinian “sumud” [steadfastness] gives me strength, although in glimpses I just want to scream, hold someone tight, cry, smell the skin and hair of the warm child, covered in blood, protect ourselves in an endless embrace – but we cannot afford that, nor can they.

Ashy grey faces – Oh no! not one more load of tens of maimed and bleeding. We still have lakes of blood on the floor in the emergency room, piles of dripping, blood-soaked bandages to clear out – oh – the cleaners, everywhere, swiftly shovelling the blood and discarded tissues, hair, clothes, cannulas – the leftovers from death – all taken away... to be prepared again, to be repeated all over. More than 100 cases came to Shifa in the last 24 hours. Enough for a large well-trained hospital with everything, but here – almost nothing: electricity, water, disposables, drugs, operating-room tables, instruments, monitors – all rusted and as if taken from museums of yesterday’s hospitals. But they do not complain, these heroes. They get on with it, like warriors, enormous,  resolute.

And as I write these words to you, alone, on a bed, my tears flow, the warm but useless tears of pain and grief, of anger and fear. This is not happening!

And then the orchestra of the Israeli war-machine starts its gruesome symphony again. Just now: salvos of artillery from the navy boats down on the shores, the roaring F-16, the sickening drones (Arabic zennanis, the “hummers”), and the Apaches. So much made by and paid for by the US.

Mr Obama – do you have a heart? I invite you – spend one night – just one night – with us in Shifa. I am convinced, 100 per cent, it would change history. Nobody with a heart and power could ever walk away from a night in Shifa without being determined to end the slaughter of the Palestinian people.

But the heartless and merciless have done their calculations and planned another dahyia – onslaught on Gaza.

The rivers of blood will keep running the coming night. I can hear they have tuned their instruments of death.

Please. Do what you can. This cannot continue.

Saturday, July 26, 2014

Channel 4 reporting in Gaza

























http://blogs.channel4.com/snowblog/bring-israelis-palestinians/24316

Friday 25 Jul 2014

Gaza is not just about them, it’s about us, too

Jon Snow
She lay in my arms. Just weeks old, a tiny baby. Her Palestinian father had just handed her to me at the infernal steel border building at the exit of Gaza into Israel. She did not cry. She just looked at me with her beady, dark eyes.
Her father was trying both to open her pram, and steady his wounded wife in her wheel chair. Their luggage was scattered at the final entry gate as if just thrown through it.
We shared no common language, it had just seemed inevitable that as the only other able-bodied human in this absurd transit room, I should care for the baby.
I know not their story, nor how, alone seemingly, they were the only Palestinians, in that brief half-hour of Israeli aerial ceasefire, to have been allowed across.
But holding this girl baby connected me again to the wardfuls of small children so brutally smashed by this odious war. Connected me too to the ever-present reality that the average age in Gaza is 17 and that a quarter of a million are children are, like the babe in my arms, small children.
I could see the young Israeli IDF guards peering at me through the steel room’s bullet-proof glass. They were the same women who, from another glass window, had barked commands at me though a very public address system.
“Feet apart!” they said. “Turn! No, not that way – the other!” Then, in the next of five steel security rooms I passed through - each with a red or green light to tell me to stop or go – a male security guard up in the same complex above me shouted “Take your shirt off - right off. Now throw it on the floor… Pick it up, now ring it like it was wet” (it was wet, soaked in sweat).
From entering the steel complex until I reach the final steel clearing room where I held the baby, I was never spoken to face to face, nor did I see another human beyond those who barked the commands through the bullet-proof windows high above me.
Finally, even a little reluctantly, I handed my little bundle of humanity back to her father. At that point, the nicest of Israelis, a British-born captain greeted me by name and then moved straight to the aid of the arriving Palestinians.
My own bags came through, my lightweight laptop lying askew with the screen open on top of them. The people behind the glass had had it for fully half an hour.
As I waited for my camera crew and waved goodbye to my Palestinian family, I pressed the laptop on. There was my familiar screen saver but suddenly imposed over by a sequence of pretty black and yellow tartan-like barcodes and a wide top-to-bottom stripe of white, edged with vertical coloured lines.
When I remonstrated later with the senior Israeli military PR officer, he didn’t deny that “they” had probably done it. He added: “You never know, it may all go away.” It hasn’t.
25 gazarelatives r w Gaza is not just about them, its about us, too
Palestinians mourn relatives killed in an attack on a UN-run school in Gaza
Nor has Gaza’s agony, which deepened with the UN school attack as I was crossing. I feel guilty in leaving, and for the first time in my reporting life, scarred, deeply scarred by what I have seen, some of it too terrible to put on the screen.
It is accentuated by suddenly being within sumptuously appointed Israel. Accentuated by the absolute absence of anything that indicates that this bloody war rages a few miles away. A war that the UN stated yesterday has reduced 55 per cent of  Gaza’s diminutive land to a no-go area.
Go tell that to the children playing in the dusty streets or the families forced out of  shelters like the UN school compound, to forage for food beneath shells and missiles.
In and out of an Israeli transit hotel for a few hours in Ashkelon, an hour from the steel crossing-point from Gaza, there were three half-hearted air raid warnings. Some people run, but most just get on with what they are doing.
They are relatively safe today because  Israel is the most heavily fortified country on earth. The brilliant Israeli-invented, American-financed shield is all but fool-proof; the border fortifications, the intelligence, beyond anything else anywhere.
This brilliant people is devoting itself to a permanent and ever-intensifying expenditure to secure a circumstance in which there will never be a deal with the Palestinians. That’s what it looks like, that is what you see. It may not be true.
The pressure not to go on this way is both internationally and domestically a minority pursuit.
25 gazaattack r w Gaza is not just about them, its about us, too
Smoke rises from the Gaza Strip after an Israeli air strike
Leaving Israel and beleaguered Gaza far below me, I lay back in my BA seat headed for London. I donned my headphones and listened to Bach’s heavenly violin concerto in E major, and wept, as I rarely have as an adult.
I wept for two peoples with remarkable similarities. Two peoples of extraordinary gifts and ability. Two peoples living in an area far smaller than England, one of which besieges the other, both of which target each other’s civilians.
This is humankind’s most grievous cancer, for its cells infect conflicts in every corner of the world. We fail as humankind if we do not devise a coming-together. Our leaders, as a vast priority, have to try and try again to use every mechanism in our rare animal capacity - our considerable intellects – to bring these peoples to resolution whatever the cost.
Follow @jonsnowC4 on Twitter
 A couple of the comments - 
Paul Medlicottat
Jon that was unbearably moving. I am probably one of perhaps millions looking on impotently and wondering where this may all end. Hamas undoubtedly have a case to answer but Israel seems (to an outsider) to have lost all sense of decency and perspective–there seems no will to find a solution, and their appalling spokespeople seem to be constantly on the edge of aggression should anyone challenge them. Israel and the Jewish nation have for many of us a deep well of goodwill–we all know their history–but that well has run dry and the time for accountability has arrived.
Monique Bucknerat
Paul, it’s not the Jewish people who are doing this, it’s zionists and zionism which in fact has many Christian fundamentalist supporters who believe that a big war in Israel will bring back Jesus. It’s mainly (at least in the beginning in roughly 1897 when Theodor Herzl founded zionism) a secular European colonial movement. I’d like to think of Netanyahu and his fascist cronies as using Jews as human shields in order to commit his crimes against humanity, war crimes, apartheid, etc.There are so many of all faiths and no faiths who really want to see justice for the Palestinian people and full equality for them.
Monique Bucknerat
This is not a story of a misunderstanding between equal sides. There is a historical context in which Palestinians lost their country, Palestine, and their territory has been steadily shrinking ever since due to settlement expansion and land grabs. The Palestinians were ethnically cleansed in a genocide from December 1947 which has been creeping along to this day.
Gaza has been under a 7/8 year brutal blockade by Israel that many international legal experts agree is collective punishment and illegal. I appreciate your wish for peace, but you need to understand the problem more deeply and what is at the root cause of it before you can hope for peace and justice and before you can even claim that an occupied people have leaders with ‘too much power’. The Palestinian people for all intents and purposes are virtually powerless and most certainly lack the financial, military and political support of the world’s only superpower (unlike Israel which enjoys impunity and political cover from the US and the UN).
Some charge that Israel controls the US but it’s essentially the US which uses Israel as a proxy in the Middle East and the Palestinians are the population paying the price for US imperialism in the region, which began as European, specifically British imperialsim, after the Ottoman Empire fell.
As for Gaza, I agree that rockets, if aimed at civilians (whether Israeli or Palestinian) constitutes a war crime. Over 10 years, 29 Israelis have ever died from Gazan rockets compared to hundreds of Palestinian children, men and women in just recent days. I am not exaggerating. I wonder how many people actually know this fact?
Remember: the rockets from Gaza are right now being used by the government of Israel as a justification for genocide.
Gazans, even if they do not think the rockets are very effective, say that this is the only time the world pays their plight any attention. It’s tragic that the only time people look at Gaza is when their children are being blown to bits by the Israeli army, navy and airforce combined.
You can criticise Hamas for ‘not investing in education or jobs’- but they can’t- they’re under a blockade and have no money even for government salaries. After Hamas was elected, for instance, all financial assistance stopped going to Gaza because Israel wanted it so. It’s also up to Israel what is imported into the Gaza Strip and what gets exported (see Israeli organisation ‘Gisha’ for detailed statistics).
At one point, Israel did not allow in books or children’s crayons so for all the money in the world, Gazan children couldn’t have a normal education. Israel keeps bombing their schools, which are already overcrowded from previous bombings that destroyed schools that could not be rebuilt because, yes, Israel did not allow concrete into Gaza. I really could go on about the inhuman conditions this people is subjected to. South Africa during apartheid did the same with subjugating a people while making sure they did not reach similar human development. It’s carefully planned and executed. And it’s called apartheid.
I just want to mention that it is actually quite offensive to say that they ‘may as well be murdering their own people’. Tell that to a Palestinian in Gaza who has lost his whole family to an Israeli bomb or a woman who was carrying her baby while holding a white flag when an Israeli sniper shot her baby in her arms. Could you say the same for Jews in the ghetto who had the courage to fight back? Would you say to their descendants that ‘they may as well have murdered themselves’? Is this how we are conditioned to think of Palestinian lives? That they may as well murder themselves if they have the dignity and immense courage to fight their oppression? No, Robert, ISRAEL is doing a perfectly fine job of genocide without need for western apologies.
Palestinians have a legal right to resistance, even armed. That Israel is slaughtering them should not be blamed on the victims who have a right to resist and defend themselves (funny how this right isn’t invoked for Palestinians).
As others have observed before me, there can be no peace without justice and who of us has the right to be telling Palestinians otherwise? Aren’t we all equal and deserving of our rights? Isn’t this why they are called inalienable? That programme on BBC3 sounds appalling. It was liberal fluff that painted a dangerous picture of a false reality because the Palestinians really do have international law (land, refugee rights, right to freedom of movement, etc) on their side. That this BBC3 programme tried to dilute Israel’s very real moral and legal responsibilities as occupier and aggressor is appalling. But, as so many are now protesting, the BBC is pretty appalling in its ‘coverage’ of the occupation.

'We are no longer here, do you care?'




This video brings to life the fleeting words of headlines, and puts them into context. I had chills, and it brought tears to my eyes.


'Published on 23 Jul 2014
'Dutch Children Protest the Killing of their Palestinian Peers'

Dutch children have taken part of a short movie to protest against the continuing Israeli bombings of Palestinian civilians; children in particular. In a short video by filmmaker Abdelkarim El-Fassi, eight Dutch children tell the story of eight Palestinian children killed by Israel.

War, bombs, terror. The video tells exactly where the children were at the time of their death. Some were on Facebook, while others were greeted with violence that no innocent person should be exposed to, while sleeping or while watching a World Cup match.
From the year 2000, every three days, a Palestinian child has been killed at the hands of Israeli forces, a appalling and confrontational number. In recent days, during the ground offensive on the 'open air prison' GAZA, this average only increased.

"I am no longer here, do you care?" is an awareness campaign to bring injustice taking place in Palestine closer to home This is necessary because the disproportionate actions of Israel, which violates many international and human rights, have not been condemned.

Is the life of a Palestinian child worth less?
The recent Israeli attacks on Gaza have slaughtered more than 160 innocent children, and counting. Such an inhumane policy should cease as soon as possible. Therefore El Fassi start this campaign that brings the innocence of hundreds of now deceased Palestinian children forward.

El Fassi had previously made a video denouncing the injustice in Palestine in 2012; the video on Mahmoud Sarsak went viral. Mahmoud Sarsak is a Palestinian footballer who went on hunger strike for more than 200 days because he was arbitrarily arrested and locked up in an Israeli jail without trial. Because of international pressure, he was finally released. Are we going to get that done now? #doyoucare?'

Wednesday, July 23, 2014

TTIP and why it's not a good idea - from the Guardian

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jul/17/nhs-taken-over-wall-street-cameron-health-service-privatisation?CMP=twt_gu

The NHS is being taken over by Wall Street. And Cameron won’t stop it


The prime minister’s refusal to exempt our health service from a deal that will make it impossible to reverse privatisation really is a matter of life and death

Will David Cameron go down in history as the man who gave away this country’s greatest achievement to Wall Street, the man who enabled big American healthcare access to our hospital wards? The answer will be yes – unless the prime minister makes it clear once and for all that he will protect the NHS from the world’s largest bilateral trade negotiations, happening right now in Brussels.
Make no mistake, we are in the fight of our lives to save the NHS from being sold off lock, stock and barrel. But to make matters even worse a trade deal called TTIP (the transatlantic trade and investment partnership) will mean that reversing the damage done by this government could be impossible unless Cameron acts.
This week faceless bureaucrats from Brussels and Washington are negotiating behind the closed doors of the European commission. You may well ask what trade negotiations in Brussels have got to do with the NHS. But these talks matter to every man, woman and child in the UK. In fact people across the country are campaigning up and down the high streets of our towns to raise awareness of the danger. From Dorset to Dumfriesshire there are growing numbers of people getting angry when they learn about Cameron’s continued refusal to use his veto to protect the NHS from TTIP.
The trade deal would create a single market between the European Union and the United States, and the British government has given the negotiators a free hand to negotiate away our rights to control our health system.
The government’s Health and Social Care Act 2012 opened the floodgates to the NHS sell-off. The act has massively increased the number of private providers in the NHS. Since this act came in to force, 70% of health services put out to tender have gone to the private sector.
Many of these companies are US-based or have Wall Street investors. Serco, for example, is involved in the provision of health services within the NHS and is owned by big Wall Street investment firms such as Invesco, Fidelity and BlackRock. Now Cameron is set on giving these US investors new powers to sue any future UK government if it makes changes to health policy that might stop the dollars rolling in.
The deal will mean that American investors will be able to haul any UK government that tries to reverse privatisation to a tribunal – the “investor state dispute settlement” that would operate outside the law of this land. These tribunals will have the power to award billions in damages and compensation for lost profits and the loss of projected future profits, with no right of appeal. Yes, that is right – no right of appeal.
In short, the British public would face massive costs to bring NHS services back into public hands, making it nigh on impossible.
The prime minister can’t claim he is being forced into it by Brussels. The British government has a seat at the European trade council, which gave the go ahead for, and must sign off on, any TTIP deal. He could easily protect our healthcare and our democratic right to vote for the health policies we want by insisting on an NHS exemption at the council. He has not done this.
If you, like me, believe that the current sell-off of the NHS is destroying one of this country’s greatest assets and putting our future at risk, then you also need to be worried about TTIP.
The prime minister has used his veto before in Europe and he’s threatened to use it on a number of occasions. He has even opposed capping bankers’ bonuses in Europe, but when it comes to going there to fight for the NHS, he falls silent. It’s clear where his priorities lie.
Cameron acts tough but does not deliver. Despite the rhetoric, he’s weak in Europe. It is time for him to stand up and act, use his veto and exempt the NHS from this dangerous trade deal. This is not about blocking Brussels bureaucrats. This is about our NHS, it is about our future, our health, our children. This time, it’s life and death.



Sunday, July 20, 2014

Iraq war victim Ali Abbas reflects ten years on (Telegraph)

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/iraq/9939885/Iraq-war-victim-Ali-Abbas-reflects-ten-years-on.html

marsh arabs

http://www.usip.org/publications/the-marsh-arabs-iraq-husseins-lesser-known-victims

The Marsh Arabs of Iraq: Hussein's Lesser Known Victims

Newsbyte examines the plight of the Ma'dan people of Iraq.
WASHINGTON--Saddam Hussein's persecution of his political enemies, most notably the Kurds of northern Iraq and Shia Muslims in general, is notorious in the West, except in one case: that of the "Marsh Arabs" of southern Iraq. A society of 500,000 people who have lived in and around an enormous freshwater wetland ecosystem for some 5,000 years, the Marsh Arabs have suffered the total destruction of their economy, their culture, their habitat and their way of life. The devastation has not been the result of a direct assault on the people themselves, but on the environment that was the foundation of their existence—the marshlands. Covering about 12,000 square miles as recently as 1985, the three contiguous marshes have been drained, burned and dammed to the point that only remnants of them still exist. Where once lay healthy, ecologically rich wetlands, teeming with aquatic life, buffalo and migratory birds there now is only barren, salt-encrusted land. Researchers who have studied this phenomenon have concluded that the destruction of the marshlands had no economic or developmental purpose, but rather was carried out with the singular purpose of destroying the Marsh Arab people. If so, it was a successful venture. Most of the Marsh Arabs have left the area. Only a few thousand remain. The rest have fled to refugee camps in Iran or have dispersed throughout Iraq.
On November 11, 2002, the U.S. Institute of Peace held a Current Issues Briefing on the plight of the Marsh Arabs. Speakers were the co-editors of, and contributors to, a new book entitled The Iraqi Marshlands: A Human and Environmental Study (Politico's Publishing, London, 2002). Richard Kauzlarich, director of the Institute's Special Initiative on the Muslim World, moderated the briefing. This Newsbyte briefly summarizes the speakers' presentations.
Emma Nicholson, Member of the European Parliament, Vice Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Special Rapporteur on Iraq
The Marsh Arab people, she said, "form a subset of humanity," as defined by the 1948 UN Convention on Genocide, so those responsible for their extreme misfortune should be prosecuted under that treaty.
The Genocide Convention "declared that the world has not just a possibility, but an absolute obligation of acting when genocide is being committed," she said.
"We lay the blame at the feet of Saddam Hussein and of his regime," the baroness said. "But we do not believe that one man is uniquely responsible and must carry the blame and the guilt for everybody else involved. Others should be tried too, and as close as possible to where the crimes were committed. We are clearly not going to be able to do that in Iraq. So the world needs to act now to set up an ad hoc criminal tribunal."
Peter Clark, Chief Executive Officer, AMAR International Charitable Foundation
Clark said the Marsh Arabs have always engendered a certain amount of distrust and suspicion among urban and northern Iraqis; the marshlands have long been thought of as a refuge for smugglers, political dissidents and other transgressors. Also, there have been plans for various engineering works in the marshes since the early 20th Century. However, the wholesale destruction of the marshlands didn't begin in earnest until after the Marsh Arabs participated in a rebellion against Saddam Hussein immediately after the Persian Gulf War.
"It was only in the '90s under the present regime in Iraq that a drive was made to...really punish the people of the marshlands, and so it has been done in a pretty horrific way," Clark said. "There have been enormous consequences both to the environment and to the people as a result of the engineering works of the area, destruction of an economic base, destruction of a way of life, out-migration, pauperization."
The area's economy and way of life was based on agriculture, livestock production, hunting, fishing, and the servicing of commercial boats that traversed the Tigris River between Basra and Baghdad. All that was made impossible with the draining of the marshes and the resulting desertification of the area. It is important to bear in mind that 80 percent of Iraq's potential oil wealth is in the marsh he added.
After the regime began its assault on the marshlands, there was an exodus of Marsh Arabs to Iran. "These people were largely nobody's friends," Clark said. "Because they were Shiite, there was not a great deal of interest on the part of the rest of the Arab world. And because they were Arab, there was no great interest on the part of Iran." Iran did, however, agree to take in some of the Marsh Arabs, about 40,000 of whom now live in refugee camps there, according to The Iraqi Marshlands. Several hundred thousand others are dispersed throughout Iraq and elsewhere.
James Brasington, Lecturer in Geography, University of Cambridge
The southern Iraq marshes were formed over a 10,000-year period as a result of the annual flooding of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. They covered some 12,000 square miles and were home to a rich assortment of wildlife species. The only part of the marshes that remains intact straddles the Iran-Iraq border and is fed entirely by stream flows from Iran, which Iraq cannot control. That segment represents about 10 percent of the original marsh area.
"The removal of a wetland has affects on the regional climate," Brasington said. "The reduction of evaporation is likely to increase summer temperatures, making the area even more inhospitable and also causing a decline in...rainfall."
There are 32 dams on the Tigris and Euphrates upstream from the marshlands. They have the capacity to hold and store the entire capacity of the two rivers.
"The water retentive capacity of these engineering structures is enormous," Brasington said. "The spring flood has disappeared. River regulation has taken [it] away."
Joseph Dellapenna, Villanova University Law School
Hussein is "very likely" guilty of genocide against the Marsh Arabs, Dellapenna said. That the largest of the three marshes holds canals and engineering structures that serve no purpose other than to drain the marsh suggests that they were not built for any legitimate agricultural or developmental purpose.
"What happened in 1991 that may have prompted this?" he asked. "The answer is very obvious. It is that the Marsh Arabs in the south, as well as the Kurds in the north, rose in revolt against Saddam Hussein at the end of the Gulf War. The allied coalition took steps to protect the Kurds. They did not take steps to protect the Marsh Arabs."
"That culture was of course built around water and around life in the marshes and that culture has been destroyed and, I would argue, deliberately and purposefully destroyed, precisely because they were people hard to control and a people who had risen in revolt."
[An October 2002 paper by John Fawcett and Victor Tanner entitled "The Internally Displaced People of Iraq," published by the Brookings Institution and the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University, reports that Iraqi state-owned media preceded the assault on the Marsh Arabs with a series of articles deriding them as primitive "monkey-faced" people, who were not real Iraqis.]
While there are a few bilateral treaties governing the use of water from the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, there is no comprehensive regional treaty. If the marshlands can be restored—which in itself is an open question—such a treaty is needed, Dellapenna said. But it certainly will not materialize while Saddam Hussein is in power.
The United States Institute of Peace is mandated by Congress to strengthen the nation's capabilities to promote the peaceful resolution of international conflict.
The views summarized here reflect the discussion at the meeting; they do not represent formal positions taken by the Institute, which does not advocate specific policies.
November 25, 2002


http://newswatch.nationalgeographic.com/2013/04/24/in-cradle-of-civilization-shrinking-rivers-endanger-unique-marsh-arab-culture/ 


In Cradle of Civilization, Shrinking Rivers Endanger Unique Marsh Arab Culture