Saturday, April 09, 2016

'Another kind of girl' - life in a refugee camp

A person exploring their sense of identity by how others perceive them

Photo
CreditGuido Scarabottolo
TWENTY years ago, when New Yorkers asked me where I was from, all I’d say is that I grew up in Britain. Mentioning that I was born in Bangladesh drew only more questions, and New Yorkers simply wanted confirmation of what was to them the distinctive cultural marker: my British accent.

That accent was learned from imitating BBC News announcers on a cassette recorder. As a boy, I read about the destruction of millions of Jews and was gripped by fear: If white Europeans could do that to people who looked like them, imagine what they could do to me.
So I adapted, hoping to make myself less alien to these people so ill at ease with difference. I grew up not so long ago in a Britain that spat at nonwhites, beat us and daubed swastikas on walls.
Britain frightens its natives with the specter of a fifth column, and exhorts immigrants to integrate better and adopt British values. Do it and you’ll earn your stripes. But the promise is hollow, for Britain has no intention of keeping its side of the bargain.
Recently, I was invited onto the judging panel for the PEN Pinter Prize, English PEN’s award (honoring the playwright Harold Pinter) for a writer who “casts an ‘unflinching, unswerving’ gaze upon the world, and shows a ‘fierce intellectual determination’ ” to define “ ‘the real truth of our lives and our societies.’ ” Salman Rushdie and Tom Stoppard are past winners.
The announcement of the panel, which included Peter Stothard, the editor of The Times Literary Supplement, described me thus: “Born in rural Bangladesh, Zia Haider Rahman was educated at Balliol College, Oxford, and at Cambridge, Munich and Yale Universities. He has worked as an investment banker on Wall Street and as an international human rights lawyer.”
The Man Booker Prize administration released a statement congratulating Mr. Stothard, a former judge of its award, and mentioning the two other appointees: “Vicky Featherstone, artistic director of the Royal Court Theater, and Zia Haider Rahman, a Bangladeshi banker turned novelist.”I have no idea what citizenships my fellow panelists hold; unhelpfully, Man Booker did not provide that information. I was, however, surprised to learn that I’m Bangladeshi. I don’t have a Bangladeshi passport, though I do hold a British one. In fact, I’ve lawfully held two valid British passports (to facilitate travel to so-called incompatible countries, like Israel and Jordan).
Clearly, holding two British passports doesn’t make me doubly British. But surely, for a bastion of the British establishment to call me Bangladeshi, it should have sufficient reason to believe that I am precisely that. Shall we put the error down to mere ignorance of the fact that millions of British citizens were born in, or are descendants of people born in, the post-colonies? Of course, keeping me Bangladeshi has the advantage of enabling some people to tell me to go back to my own country.
The issue is not what I choose to call myself but what the supposedly educated Briton chooses to call nonwhite British citizens. Britain has a problem with otherness.
This problem is not exclusively a British one. Although the “Brexit” campaign over a referendum to determine Britain’s exit from the European Union has revealed a nasty undercurrent of hostility toward other Europeans, the British do share something with the Continent.
I recently appeared on “Buitenhof,” a political program on Dutch television, to argue that Europe’s colonial history has left a stain on its psyche, an animus against foreigners. Afterward, aside from the usual racist mail, there were messages from nonwhite Dutch people, most taking issue with one thing. Apparently, I needn’t have qualified my remarks by saying things were worse in Britain. They were just as bad in the Netherlands. Life for immigrant Europeans is a daily confrontation with micro-aggressions and gestures of alienation.
I have been cosseted in Amsterdam for several months, where I am a writer in residence at the university and my novel is a national best seller. Last month, I attended the annual Boekenbal, a gala celebrating Dutch publishing, the main purpose of which, I learned, is to generate gossip about who is deemed worthy of tickets. In other words, its function is to establish an inside group.
My publisher invited me to a dinner before the gala at a restaurant. Midway through, I remembered my coat: On arrival, I’d left it somewhere and forgotten about it. When eventually a member of the staff and I found it, valuables still present, I thanked him.
“It is a pleasure to have you here,” he replied. Slightly odd formulation, I thought, putting it down to translation.
“No, sir,” he added, lowering his voice, “I mean it is an honor to have you here.” I looked at the man again.
“I saw you on ‘Buitenhof’ last week, and everything you said was right. But the Dutch won’t understand it because they can’t see it.”
“What’s your name?” I asked.
“Emile,” he said, shaking my hand. “It’s the name I use at work. My parents are Egyptian, but I was born in the Netherlands. I’m the sommelier here and I know everything there is to know about wine.
“I speak Dutch fluently,” he went on, in English. “I know more about Dutch culture than most Dutch people. I am Dutch, but I’m never really accepted as Dutch.”
The encounter moved me, and I stepped out into the cold Amsterdam night to recover my composure.
These days, when New Yorkers ask me where I’m from, sometimes I might say, for the hell of it, “I was born in Bangladesh.” Unfailingly, it’s not enough. Often, bless ’em, they say, “Yeah, but you’re British, right?” I have to cross the Atlantic to hear this.
I’ve learned to cope. But when I think of the children in the projects where I grew up, and in the underprivileged school in London’s East End where I sat on the board, I know that taking refuge in the novelist’s seclusion would be an abrogation.
Every battle of ideas is fought on the terrain of language. To the white Briton, the hyphenated identity — Bangladeshi-British, Pakistani-British — only highlights otherness. Each side regards the hyphenated identity as a concession to the other, rather than both rejoicing in a new stripe in a rainbow nation.
It does not come easily for white Britons to speak, face to face, of a nonwhite Briton’s nationality. The shuffling feet, the throat-clearing, the unmet eye give it away. Hyphenation sounds clunky, feels awkward; even calling someone just British is less pointed, less charged. The British have history; the Bangladeshi-British have punctuation.
It is Britain’s inherent cultural problem with otherness that makes it difficult for the native to call me British, difficult even for those who, one might naïvely hope, should know better.
If you’re not going to call me British when I grew up in Britain; when I hold a British passport and don’t hold a Bangladeshi one; when I don’t even speak Bengali; when, good citizen that I try to be, I help an elderly neighbor with his Ikea bed, or dig out the old lilac that another cannot uproot; when I was educated in Britain, worked in Britain, was “a body of England’s, breathing English air/Washed by the rivers, blest by suns of home”; when I wash the dishes at the local church’s fund-raiser for the homeless (because regardless of faith, we surely all believe in the idea of community); and again — it bears repetition — when I hold a British passport “without let or hindrance,” then you can’t be surprised if, doubting your good faith, I grab my bags and get the hell out.
After all, how much more can I integrate? What more is it you want from us? To be white? To be you?

Thursday, April 07, 2016

Visegrad massacres

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vi%C5%A1egrad_massacres

'According to documents of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), based on the victims reports, some 3,000 Bosniaks were murdered during the violence in Višegrad and its surroundings, including some 600 women and 119 children.[3][4] According to the ICTY, Višegrad was subjected to "one of the most comprehensive and ruthless campaigns of ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian conflict".[5] According to theResearch and Documentation Center, 1661 Bosniaks were killed/missing in Višegrad.[6]'

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/8a698dbe-73af-11e1-aab3-00144feab49a.html

Unforgiven, unforgotten, unresolved: Bosnia 20 years on

“When I got to the balcony I saw there was a wardrobe against the front door and all the windows had been blocked with furniture. They started to throw stones at us to make us go inside, then they threw hand grenades. We were the last ones in ... I said to my mother ‘don’t worry they won’t kill us.’ Then they set the house on fire ... I saw a window in the garage door ... I was the only one who got out.
“I was wearing trousers, a jumper and a cardigan, and I pulled off my burning clothes. Outside, the Chetniks (Serb nationalists) were standing around watching the house burning. They were drunk and playing music very, very loud, so no one could hear the sound of the burning people screaming inside.”

djuradi
In 1991 (too) many Serbs turned to absolute monsters. Almost overnight they turned from workers, engineers etc into hunters set on killing as much as possible of their non-serb neighbours. It was incredible to witness it.

In August 1991 mine two relatives, husband and wife, were killed only because they were Croatian. To the man they cut off his arms and legs after killing him.
They were simple farmers in their 60s.

Around 20.000 people from my hometown were forced out of their homes that summer and had to live as refugees for 4 years. That is those who survived. Only because they were Croatian.
When we returned in 1995 we found a destroyed town. All seven catholic churches and chapels were raised to the ground. Hundreds of houses as well. Interestingly, none were built under Serb occupation (they could destroy after occupation but could not build).

Europe failed humanity miserably in the 90s.
Everybody knew Croats and especially Bosnian Muslims had (too) few weapons, while Serbs had full control of the whole JNA (Yugoslav army). And they knew and saw what they wanted to do. But they did nothing until 1999 (NATO bombing of Serbia) and after tens of thousands of innocent deaths. Much of the blame for these deaths lays on European leaders from the 90s. Not only Milosevic.

It is good to see articles as this one are still being written. These things must never be forgotten. But amazingly they slowly are. Especially, as Serbs are hoping that everybody will forget all about it as times passes by. Even worse, their efforts are very much going in the direction of the 'they-are-all-equally-guilty' explanation. That is not only shameful, but also dangerous. In a normal world it should not be allowed.

Probably the worst thing in the whole story is the existence of the Republic of Srpska - how else can this be interpreted but as a reward for genocide.
Yet nobody (relevant) in Europe is at all bothered with it.

Baha Musa's death at the hands of the British Army





https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=_9qS3IU_TecC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false - A book going through the accounts and evidence surrounding the case. - 

A Very British Killing: The Death of Baha Mousa

By A. T. Williams




Baha Mousa inquiry: former soldier says he is 'sorry for everything'

Image 1 of 4

Baha Mousa and his family. He died after being taken to a British military base in Iraq in 2003 Photo: REUTERS
Baha Mousa's wife has recently died of cancer, so he was a single father. His brother had also recently died following an operation, and he taken over financial responsibility for his 2 children. He was working 2 jobs to keep this going, which included his new role as a receptionist in a hotel, when he was arrested by the army, then killed in custody after sustaining at least 93 injuries in 2003.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/defence/8748790/Baha-Mousa-innocent-father-who-suffered-brutal-death-in-UK-military-custody.html

Baha Mousa: innocent father who suffered brutal death in UK military custody

Baha Mousa, an innocent civilian, welcomed the British forces who occupied his hometown of Basra in April 2003, because their arrival signalled the overthrow of Saddam Hussein.

Baha Mousa: innocent father who suffered brutal death in UK military custody
Image 2 of 4
A post-morterm examination found Baha Mousa suffered asphyxiation and at least 93 injuries to his body
But less than half a year later the 26 year-old father-of-two had suffered a brutal, humiliating death at the hands of a small number of British soldiers he saw as liberators.
Two photographs graphically illustrate the horror of the hotel receptionists ordeal in UK military custody.
In the first, he and his wife Yasseh are smiling as they hold up their two young sons, Hussein and Hassan, the perfect portrait of a happy family.
The second picture, taken shortly after Mr Mousa's death, depicts his face bloodied and scarred, his nose smashed, his eyes bruised and medical tubes still in his mouth from attempts to revive him.
Mr Mousa's life was marked by hardship and tragedy before the turn of events that led to him being mistakenly arrested by British troops as a suspected insurgent.
As members of Iraq's Shia majority, his family struggled under Saddam's repressive Sunni-led regime.
His father, Daoud Mousa, was forced to retire from the police in 1991 after a violent Shia uprising in Basra, Iraq's oil-rich second city in the south of the country, at the end of the Gulf War.
Then his wife died of cancer in February 2003, aged 22, leaving him to bring up their children.
Mr Mousa made a living by importing new and used cars into Iraq from the United Arab Emirates.
His father stressed at the time: ''He was a peaceful man of impeccable character and a law-abiding citizen. He never had any problem with the police or the courts in any way whatsoever.''
After the US-led invasion of Iraq in March 2003, there were frequent power cuts, and some days there was no electricity at all, meaning it was painfully hot in the sticky summer months.
This was one reason why Mr Mousa took an extra job as a night-time receptionist at Basra's four-star Ibn Al Haitham hotel, which had its own generator so the air conditioning was always working.
He began working there less than a fortnight before British soldiers raided the hotel in the early hours of September 14 2003 looking for Saddam loyalists and Iranian insurgents.
The troops found AK47s, submachine guns, pistols, grenades, fake ID cards and military clothing, as well as photographs of Mr Mousa and some of his colleagues posing with the weapons.
Hotel staff said the guns were used for security and the pictures were taken for a joke.
But the finds were enough for the British soldiers to arrest Mr Mousa and nine other men on suspicion of being dangerous militants and take them back to their base at Darul Dhyafa.
Here the Iraqi detainees were hooded, shouted at, kicked, beaten, forced to stand in painful ''stress positions'' and made to scream in an ''orchestrated choir''. One was even ordered to dance like Michael Jackson.
But the worst of the abuse was directed at Mr Mousa, possibly in retaliation after his father complained that some of the British troops had stolen money from the Ibn Al Haitham hotel's safe.
Mr Mousa died at about 10pm on September 15 after a struggle with two of the soldiers. He had sustained 93 separate injuries, including fractured ribs and a broken nose.
His death devastated his family. His father – who had to identify his son's battered body – suffers flashbacks and nightmares about what happened.
Daoud Mousa laid bare his raw feelings when he told the public inquiry: ''There are moments when I am unable to control my emotions and cry because I miss Baha terribly.''

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/defence/8748981/Baha-Mousa-inquiry-former-soldier-says-he-is-sorry-for-everything.html
Garry Reader, a private with the former 1st Battalion the Queen's Lancashire Regiment (1QLR), which was responsible for arresting and holding the Iraqi civilian, said: "I'm sorry for everything".
Mr Mousa, a 26 year-old father-of-two, died after sustaining 93 injuries while in custody in Basra, southern Iraq, in 2003.
The major public inquiry into hotel receptionist's death, and the abuse of nine other Iraqi men held with him, will publish its findings on Thursday morning.
In a television interview given just hours before its publication, Mr Reader claimed all the soldiers on duty at the prison were to blame.
''We were told to keep them awake so they had sleep deprivation," said the Private Reader, who left the Army in 2007.
''They were put in stress positions. Basically that's what was told to us how to handle the situation.''
He added to ITV's Daybreak programme: ''We're all to blame, in our own way, every single one of us that was there has got our own bit to blame about. Those that didn't say anything should have said something.''
Asked if he was sorry, he said: ''I'm sorry for everything.''
The former infantryman gave evidence to the public inquiry into Mr Mousa's death in November 2009 and named the two men he believed caused his death.
He identified Corporal Donald Payne, who was acquitted of manslaughter, but became the first member of the British armed forces convicted of a war crime when he pleaded guilty at a court martial to inhumanely treating civilians.
He was sentenced to 12 months in prison and dismissed from the Army in disgrace. Mr Reader also named Private Aaron Cooper, who was not charged in relation to the death.
After the most expensive court martial in military history ended in 2007 with the acquittal of six soldiers and the conviction of Payne.
Seven members of 1QLR, including the battalion's former commanding officer, Colonel Jorge Mendonça, faced allegations relating to the mistreatment of the detainees at the high-profile court martial in 2006 and 2007.
During his evidence to the inquiry last year, Mr Reader recalled how the Iraqi being kicked and hit minutes before he died, and how he tried to resuscitate him.
"He looked dazed and didn't seem to me to be aware of anything," he said.
Mr Musa, a hotel receptionist, was not wearing a sandbag hood but his hands were tied with plastic handcuffs.
"I don't believe he was a threat. I do not even believe he was trying to escape, I just think he was injured and wanted help. Payne and Cooper were shouting, 'Get on the f****** floor'," Mr Reader recalled to the inquiry.
"One of them — I cannot remember which one — was trying to get the sandbag on his head. Baha Musa was struggling and he seemed to be trying to break free. I saw Payne and Cooper kicking and hitting Baha Musa."
He later found Mr Musa sitting with his head slumped. He shook him but got no response and started giving him resuscitation before a medical officer arrived and the Iraqi was carried away on a stretcher.'

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/dec/21/baha-mousa-doctor-struck-off

'Baha Mousa doctor Derek Keilloh struck off after 'repeated dishonesty'

Keilloh said he saw no injuries on Iraqi who died in British military custody after being tortured and beaten for 36 hours


Dr Derek Keilloh GMC hearing
 Derek Keilloh has been struck off by the GMC after being found guilty of misconduct over the death of the Iraqi detainee Baha Mousa. Photograph: Dave Thompson/PA
A former army doctor found guilty of misconduct by medical watchdogs over the death of an Iraqi man who was tortured to death by British soldiers has been struck off the register.
Derek Keilloh was found to be unfit to continue to practise after a panel concluded that he acted in a dishonest way after the death of Baha Mousa in September 2003, and had failed to protect other men who were being mistreated at the same time.
The Medical Practitioners Tribunal Service, part of the General Medical Council (GMC), announced "with regret" on Friday that the only "appropriate sanction" was banning him from working as a doctor.
Mousa died after being forced into stress positions and beaten for 36 hours by soldiers of the Queen's Lancashire Regiment. A postmortem examination showed he had suffered 93 separate injuries, including fractured ribs and a broken nose.
Baha Mousa
 Injuries suffered by Baha Mousa. Photograph: Liberty/PA
Keilloh, 38 and currently a Yorkshire GP, had been a medical officer with 1 QLR. After failing to resuscitate Mousa he claimed he had seen no injuries, noticing only dried blood around the dead man's nose. He then sent two other detainees back to the room where they had been repeatedly assaulted, and where they continued to be mistreated throughout the night.
The panel recognised that Keilloh did not harm Mousa and did what he could to attempt to save his life, in a setting that was "highly charged, chaotic, tense and stressful". But they ruled he must have seen the injuries and, as a doctor, had a duty to act.
The panel's members found that Keilloh had engaged in "repeated dishonesty" and "misleading and dishonest" conduct, lying to army investigators about the injuries and, in sticking to his story, giving false evidence in subsequent courts martial and a public inquiry. The panel also said Keilloh, knowing of Mousa's injuries and sudden death, did not do enough to protect his patients, the other detainees, from further mistreatment – breaking a "fundamental tenet" of the medical profession.
Dr Brian Alderman, the chairman of the panel, told him: "The panel has identified serious breaches of good medical practice and, given the gravity and nature of the extent and context of your dishonesty, it considers that your misconduct is fundamentally incompatible with continued registration."
Niall Dickson, chief executive of the GMC, said: "We recognise that this has been a particularly challenging case with difficult and unusual circumstances, but patients and the public must be confident that the doctor who treats them is competent and trustworthy."
Keilloh has 28 days to appeal.
Mousa, 26, a hotel receptionist and father of two young children, was arrested in September 2003 by British troops who believed, wrongly, that he was an insurgent involved in the killing of four of their colleagues the month before.
A public inquiry led by Sir William Gage concluded that Mousa's death was caused by one final assault by his guards following 36 hours of mistreatment. The inquiry's report strongly criticised the "corporate failure" by the Ministry of Defence and the "lack of moral courage to report abuse" within Preston-based 1 QLR.
It named 19 soldiers who assaulted Mousa and other detainees, and found that many others, including several officers and the regiment's padre must have known what was happening.
Before the inquiry's report was published, the MoD briefed journalists that Gage had found no evidence of systemic abuse by British forces holding and interrogating Iraqi prisoners. In fact, the judge concluded that "there is more than a hint that hooding, if not other conditioning practices, was more widespread than in just 1 QLR", but said he was unable to investigate just how widespread.
While the inquiry was in progress, the Guardian disclosed that all three branches of the British military had continued to train interrogators in techniques that included threats, sensory deprivation and enforced nakedness, in apparent breach of the Geneva conventions.
Baha Mousa Inquiry
 A video still of a British soldier with hooded Iraqi detainees that was played to the Baha Mousa inquiry. Photograph: PA
The decision on Keilloh comes 24 hours after the MoD said it had paid out £14m in compensation and costs to hundreds of Iraqis who complained that they were illegally detained and tortured by British forces during the occupation of the south-east of the country after the 2003 invasion.
Human rights groups and lawyers representing former prisoners are pushing for a public inquiry into British detention and interrogation practices in Iraq, which would trace responsibility for the abuse up the military chain of command and beyond, and shed light on the role played by military physicians.
Phil Shiner, the lawyer representing Mousa's family, said after Keilloh was struck off that "the medical profession is well rid of such a man". Indicating that legal action was being contemplated against other military physicians, he said: "All those UK doctors in Iraq who also saw signs of ill-treatment of Iraqi detainees but took no action had best start to instruct lawyers".
About 135 of the Iraqis who complained that they suffered severe mistreatment under British detention say they were examined by a doctor before interrogation. Many have alleged they suffered injuries – including fractures – when first detained, but that the doctors paid no attention to their wounds, and instead checked their heart rate and breathing before questioning.
Video evidence of some of the interrogations conducted by a shadowy military intelligence unit called the Joint Forward Interrogation Team (JFIT) supports allegations that detainees were starved, deprived of sleep, subjected to sensory deprivation and threatened with execution. Former JFIT detainees and their lawyers believe the British military doctors were examining prisoners before interrogation to establish that they would survive the ordeal ahead.
In December 2010, two high court judges ruled that allegations that more than 100 detainees had suffered systemic abuse was supported by evidence that "each detainee was medically examined at various points by doctors and medical operatives under a duty to report ill-treatment". When the court's judgment was brought to the attention of the British Medical Association, the organisation insisted it was unable to take action.
Although the BMA has a protocol for intervention to deal with human rights abuses by doctors, which calls for credible complaints to be forwarded to Amnesty International, it insisted that complaints about the activities of British military doctors in Iraq did not fall within its remit. A spokesman added: "The BMA's position is not based on whether BMA members have been involved."
Since that court judgment was handed down, the number of Iraqi civilians claiming to have suffered severe mistreatment in British military custody is said to have risen to more than 1,100.'


http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-14845086 - video interview

'

Mousa inquiry: Former private Garry Reader on his remorse

8 September 2011 Last updated at 16:55 BST
A public inquiry into the death of the Iraqi hotel worker Baha Mousa, who was beaten in British army custody in Basra in 2003, has concluded that the soldiers involved were guilty of a "very serious breach of discipline".
One of the privates with the Queen's Lancashire Regiment at the time of Baha Mousa's death, who tried to resuscitate him following the abuse, was Garry Reader.
"Whether you hit him or didn't hit him, you still have a responsibility for his death", he told the BBC's Ed Thomas.'

This man went on to attack a child. 



Al-Qaeda separatists looting antiquities and selling illegally as part of mafia style criminal network

https://uk.news.yahoo.com/islamic-state-nets-200-million-antiquities-russia-200053587.html?nhp=1

'Islamic State nets millions from antiquities - Russia

By Louis Charbonneau
6 April 2016


An image distributed by Islamic State militants on social media purports to show the destruction of a Roman-era temple in the ancient Syrian city of Palmyra
View photos
An image distributed by Islamic State militants on social media on August 25, 2015 purports to show the destruction of a Roman-era temple in the ancient Syrian city of Palmyra. REUTERS/Social Media
By Louis Charbonneau
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - Islamic State militants in Syria and Iraq are netting between $150 million and $200 million a year from illicit trade in plundered antiquities, Russia's ambassador to the United Nations said in a letter released on Wednesday.
"Around 100,000 cultural objects of global importance, including 4,500 archaeological sites, nine of which are included in the World Heritage List of ... UNESCO, are under the control of the Islamic State ... in Syria and Iraq," Ambassador Vitaly Churkin wrote in a letter to the U.N. Security Council.
"The profit derived by the Islamists from the illicit trade in antiquities and archaeological treasures is estimated at U.S. $150-200 million per year," he said.
The smuggling of artifacts, Churkin wrote, is organised by Islamic State's antiquities division in the group's equivalent of a ministry for natural resources. Only those who have a permit with a stamp from this division are permitted to excavate, remove and transport antiquities.
Some details of the group's war spoils department were previously revealed by Reuters, which reviewed some of the documents seized by U.S. Special Operations Forces in a May 2015 raid in Syria.
But many details in Churkin's letter appeared to be new.
The envoy from Russia, which has repeatedly accused Turkey of supporting Islamic State by purchasing oil from the group, said plundered antiquities were largely smuggled through Turkish territory.
"The main center for the smuggling of cultural heritage items is the Turkish city of Gaziantep, where the stolen goods are sold at illegal auctions and then through a network of antique shops and at the local market," Churkin wrote.
Turkish officials were not immediately available for comment on the Russian allegations. Russian-Turkish relations have been strained ever since Turkey shot down a Russian plane near the Syrian border last November.
Churkin said jewelry, coins and other looted items are brought to the Turkish cities of Izmir, Mersin and Antalya, where criminal groups produce fake documents on their origin.
"The antiquities are then offered to collectors from various countries, generally through Internet auction sites such as eBay and specialised online stores," he said. Churkin named several other Internet auction sites that he said sold antiquities plundered by Islamic State.
"Recently ISIL has been exploiting the potential of social media more and more frequently so as to cut out the middleman and sell artifacts directly to buyers," he said.
EBay said it was not aware of the allegations that it was being used to sell plundered items.
"eBay has absolutely zero interest in having illicit listings of cultural or historical goods appear on our platforms," it said. "We're currently looking into the claims of this letter."
"To date, we are not aware of any direct evidence of listings for items on eBay that resulted from ISIL looting or similar activity," it added.
(Additional reporting by Humeyra Pamuk in Istanbul; Editing by Steve Orlofsky and Andrew Hay)'